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The Biblical Antiquities of Philo (1917)
The Biblical Antiquities of Philotranslated by M. R. James[1917]
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This book, dating from the late first century C.E. (after the destruction of the second temple, 70 C.E.) is attributed to the Jewish writer Philo. However, most scholars agree that it was not written by Philo, and it is hence sometimes called 'Pseuophilo'. Consisting of a retelling of the Hebrew Bible from Genesis to the end of 1 Samuel, Biblical Antiquities embellishes and often departs  from the narrative as we know it today in small and large details. A little early to be called Midrash, Biblical Antiquities is one of the 'pseudepigrapha', writings on traditional Biblical subjects which were never canonized.
—John Bruno Hare, May 13th, 2004
THE BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES OF PHILONOW FIRSTTRANSLATED FROM THE OLD LATIN VERSIONBYM. R. JAMES, LITT.D., F.B.A.HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN, HON. LL.D. ST. ANDREWS,PROVOST OF KING'S COLLEGE. CAMBRIDGELondon: S.P.C.K.,[1917]Scanned at sacred-texts.com, May 2004. John Bruno Hare, redactor. This text is in the public domain. These files may be used for any non-commercial purpose, provided this notice of attribution is left intact.p. vCONTENTS

 
INTRODUCTION
 
1.

GENERAL
7

2.

HISTORY OF THE BOOK
8


 

    (a) The Editio Princeps and after
8


 

    (b) Earlier history
9

3.

AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT
12


 

    (a) The printed edition
12


 

    (b) MSS. of the text
13


 

    (c) Subsidiary authorities
17


 

    (d) Geographical distribution
18


 

    (e) Community of origin
19


 

    (f) Grouping of authorities, illustrated by specimen passages
21

4.

TITLE, AND ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO
26

5.

ORIGINAL LANGUAGE
27

6.

DATE
29

7.

FORM
33

8.

PURPOSE AND TEACHING
33

9.

UNITY. CONTENTS
42

10.

RELATION TO OTHER LITERATURE) ESPECIALLY—

 

 

    (a) Enoch
43


 

    (b) Jubilees
45


 

    (c) Apocalypse of Baruch
46


 

    (d) Fourth Book of Esdras
54


 

    (e) New Testament Writings
59


 

p. vi

 
11.

EXTENT OF THE COMPLETE BOOK: THE LOST CONCLUSION DISCUSSED
60

12.

CONCLUSION. CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT EDITION
65

13.

SYNOPSIS OF THE CONTENTS: DIVISION OF THE BOOK
67


 
Additional Note
73


 
TEXT AND NOTES
75


 
APPENDICES—

 

 
I. On various readings and corrupt passages
243


 
II. On the vocabulary, etc., of the Latin version.
269


 
INDEX
275


p. 7INTRODUCTION1. GENERAL.
1. THE book now presented to English readers has never been translated before: not only is this so, but the very existence of it has remained unknown to the great mass of students for over three hundred years, although it was printed no less than five times in the course of the sixteenth century. What is it, and why is it worth reviving after so long a period of oblivion? It is a Bible history, reaching, in its present imperfect form, from Adam to the death of Saul. It has come to us only in a Latin translation (made from Greek, and that again from a Hebrew original), and by an accident the name of the great Jewish philosopher of the first century, Philo, has been attached to it. Let me say at once that the attribution of it to him is wholly unfounded, and quite ridiculous: nevertheless I shall use his name in italics (Philo) as a convenient short title. Its importance lies in this, that it is a genuine and unadulterated Jewish book of the first century—a product of the same school as the Fourth Book of Esdras and the Apocalypse of Baruch, and written, like them, in the years which followed the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70. It is thus contemporary with some of the New Testament writings, and throws light upon them as well as upon the religious thought of the Jews of its time.
2. HISTORY OF THE BOOK.p. 8
2. (a) The HISTORY OF THE BOOK, as known to us, can be shortly told. It was printed by Adam Petri in 1527, at Basle, in a small folio volume, along with the genuine Philo's Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim1 and a fragment of the De Vita contemplativa (called De Essaeis). These were followed by the Onomasticon (de Nominibus Hebraicis) ascribed in Philo, in Jerome's version, and a Latin rendering of the De Mundo by Guillaume Budé. The whole volume is in Latin, and was edited by Joannes Sichardus: for the first three tracts he used two manuscripts, from Fulda and Lorsch, of which more hereafter. In 1538 Henricus Petri (son of Adam) reprinted this collection in a quarto volume, which I have not seen, and in 1550 included it all in a larger collection of patristic writings called Micropresbyticon. In 1552 our book (without the accompanying tracts) was printed from Sichardus' text in a small volume issued by Gryphius at Lyons, under the title Antiquitatum diversi auctores, and in 1599 in a similar collection Historia antiqua, by Commelin, at Heidelberg, edited by Juda Bonutius. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Philo was read and occasionally quoted, e.g. by Sixtus Senensis in the Bibliotheca Sancta, and by Pineda in his treatise on Solomon: but the greatest critics and scholars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries seem never to have seen it. J. A. Fabricius would certainly have accorded it a place in his Codex pseudepigraphus Veteris Testamenti if he had read it: and very little escaped his notice. He does speak of it in his Bibliotheca Graeca (ed. Harles, IV. 743, 746), but only from the
p. 9
point of view of the editions. It is not too much to say that the chance which kept it from him has kept it also from the flock of scholars who have followed him like sheep for two hundred years. The first investigator to pay any attention to it seems to have been Cardinal J. B. Pitra. In the Spicilegium Solesmense (1855, II. 345 note, III. 335 note, etc.) there are allusions to it: in the later Analecta Sacra (II. 321; 1884) he printed the Lament of Jephthah's daughter from a Vatican MS. of it, treating it as a known work, and referring to the printed edition. In 1893 I came upon four detached fragments in a manuscript at Cheltenham, in the Phillipps collection, and printed them as a new discovery in a volume of Apocrypha Anecdota (1st series, Texts and Studies, II. 3). No one who reviewed the book in England or abroad recognized that they were taken from a text already in print. At length, in 1898, the late Dr. L. Cohn, who was engaged for many years upon an edition of Philo's works, published in the Jewish Quarterly Review an article in which the source of my fragments was pointed out and a very full account given of the whole book, with copious quotations. This article of Dr. Cohn's is at present our standard source of information. Nothing to supersede it has, so far as I know, appeared since. A few scholars, but on the whole surprisingly few, have used Philo in recent years, notably Mr. H. St. John Thackeray in his book, The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought.
(b) Can we trace the history of Philo further back than the printed edition of 1527 by means of quotations or allusions to it? The whole body of evidence is remarkably small. At the very end of the fifteenth century Joannes Trithemius, Abbot
p. 10
of Sponheim, writes a book, De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, printed at Paris in 1512. On f. 18b is a notice of Philo, derived principally from Jerome, and a list of his writings. Among these he includes De generationum successu, lib. I. (which is our book), and adds the opening words: Adam genuit tres filios, which shows that he had seen the text. It is the only item so distinguished in all his list. Then, going back and setting aside certain extracts from the text (of which we shall speak under the head of authorities), we find, in the twelfth century, Petrus Comestor of Troyes, in his Historia Scholastica (one of the famous text-books of the Middle Ages), making a single incorrect quotation from our book (V. 8). He calls his source 'Philo the Jew, or, as some say, a heathen philosopher, in his book of questions upon Genesis': the words show that he was quoting a manuscript which contained that work as well as our text. His quotation is borrowed by several later mediaeval chroniclers.
In the catalogues of monastic libraries Philo is of rare occurrence. The Fulda catalogue of the sixteenth century 1 has "Repertorii noni ordo primus, liber Philonis antiquitatum 36." The number 36 is the older library number, perhaps as old as the thirteenth century, which was written on the cover of the volume. This was one of the two manuscripts used by Sichardus: we shall return to it.
In the twelfth century a monk writes to the Abbot of Tegernsee for the loan of the "liber Philonis." In 831 the abbey of St. Riquier, near Abbeville, has in its catalogue "liber Philonis Judaei
p. 11 unum volumen." Both these references may be found in Becker's Catalogi. 1 One possible hint, and one only, of the existence of Philo in the Eastern Church is known to me. The Taktikon of Nicon, cap. 13, in the Slavonic version, as quoted by Berendts (Zacharias-Apokrypken, p. 5, note 3), reckons among the canonical books of the Old Testament "the Palaea (the Eastern text-book of Bible history comparable to the Historia Scholastica in the West) and Philo." The Decretum Gelasianum of the fifth or sixth century condemns, among many other apocryphal books, "liber de filiabus Adae Leptogeneseos." The natural and usual interpretation of the words is that they refer to the Book of Jubilees, which the Greeks called ἡ λεπτὴ γένεσισ, but it is worth noting that Philo mentions the daughters of Adam in the first few lines, whereas in Jubilees they do not occur before the fourth chapter. I know of nothing in earlier centuries which looks like an allusion to Philo, unless it be a passage in Origen on John (Tom. VI. 14.) in which he says 2: "I know not what is the motive of the Jewish tradition that Phinees the son of Eleazar, who admittedly lived through the days of many of the Judges, is the same as Elias, and that immortality was promised to him in Numbers
p. 12[paragraph continues] (XXV. 12)," with more to the same effect. He refers to no book, but to a tradition which is, in fact, preserved in several Midrashim. The identification is found in Philo, c. XLVIII. See the note in loc.
Footnotes8:1 A volume issued by Ascensius at Paris in I 520, edited by Aug. Justiniani, contained only the Quaestiones et Sol. in Genesim.
10:1 C. Scherer, Der Fuldaer Handschriften-Katalog aus dem 16 Jahrh. (Centralblatt f. Bibliothekswesen XXVI. p. 105; 1902).
11:1 The Abbey of St. Bertin and that of Corbie in Picardy in their twelfth-century catalogues (Becker, nos. 77, 247, 79, 263) both have an entry of Questiones in Genesim; seemingly not those of St. Jerome, which occur elsewhere in the catalogues.
11:2 καὶ περὶ μετωνυμίασ γάρ, ὡσ ἐν ἀποκρύφοισ, οὐκ οἶδα πόθεν κινούμενοι οἱ ἑβραῖοι παραδιδόασι Φινεέσ, τὸν Ἐλεαζάρου υἱόν, ὁμολογουμένωσ παρατείναντα τὴν ζωὴν ἔωσ πολλῶν κριτῶν, ὡσ ἐν τοῖσ κριταῖσ ἀνέγνωμεν, αἰτὸν εἶναι Ἠλίαν, καὶ τὸ ἀθάνατον ἐν τοῖσ Ἀριθμοῖσ αὐτῷ, διὰ τῆσ ὀνομαζομένησ εἰρήνησ ἐπηγγέλθαι, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ζηλώσασ… ἐξεκέντησε τὴν Μαδιανῖτιν, κ.τ.λ.
3. AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT.
3. The next business is to describe the AUTHORITIES FOR THE TEXT of Philo.
(a) We will take the printed edition of 1527 first (of which the four others of 1538-50-53-99 are mere reprints). Its symbol shall be A. In his preface, addressed to the monks of Fulda, Sichardus, like many editors of the Renaissance period, tells us but little of the manuscripts he used. The substance of what he says is as follows. At one time he had hoped to be able to remedy the many corruptions of the manuscripts, of which he had two; but he gradually came to despair of doing so, and resolved to give the text as he found it. His two manuscripts were as like each other as two eggs, so that he could not doubt that one was a copy of the other, though they were preserved in libraries far apart. He employed the Fulda copy, and had previously obtained the use of one from Lorsch Abbey, which was very old, and had expected that these would provide the materials for a satisfactory edition; moreover, he had got wind of the existence of another copy. But his manuscripts proved disappointing, and he is well aware that the present edition is inadequate. In preparing it he has aimed at following his manuscripts as closely as possible, and in issuing it now has judged that the evils of delay are greater than those of haste; especially as he looks forward to putting forth a greatly improved text in the future. 1p. 13
(b) We have seen that the Fulda MS. is traceable in the library catalogues late in the sixteenth century. Until lately it was thought to have been lost, along with the bulk of the Fulda MSS.: but it has been identified, first by Dr. Cohn, and then, independently, by Dr. P. Lehmann, with a MS. at Cassel (Theol. 4° 3) of the eleventh century. The Lorsch MS. still remains undiscovered.
The identity of the Cassel MS. with that used by Sichardus is not doubtful. In its cover is an inscription by him stating that he had it rebound in 1527. It also retains the old label, of the fourteenth century, with the title Liber Philonis Antiquitatum, and the old Fulda press-mark.
The book which furnishes this information is a special study, published by, Dr. Lehmann in 1912, of the libraries and manuscripts used by Sichardus for the purpose of his various editions of ancient authors. Dr. Lehmann has collected, à propos of Sichardus's Philo, notices of all the MSS. of the Latin Philo known to exist, and has succeeded in increasing the number, from three which were known to Dr. Cohn in 1898, to sixteen, eleven of
p. 14
which contain the text of the Antiquities. They are as follows-


Admont (an abbey in Austria) 359, Of cent. xi., containing Ant. and Quaest. in Gen.

Cassel, theol. 4° 3, of cent. xi. (the Fulda MS.), containing Ant. and Quaest.

Cheltenham) Phillipps 461, of cent. xii, from Trèves, containing Ant.

Cues (near Trèves), 16 (or H. II), Of 1451, paper, containing Ant. and Quaest.

Munich, lat. 4569, of cent. xii., from Benedictbeuren, containing Ant. and Quaest.

Munich, lat. 17,133, of cent. xii., from Schäftlarn, containing Ant. and Quaest.

Munich, lat. 18,481, of cent. xi., from Tegernsee, containing Ant. and Quaest.

Rome, Vatican, lat. 488, of cent. xv., containing Ant. and Quaest.

Vienna, lat. 446, of cent. xiii., containing Ant.

Würzburg, M. ch. f. 210, of cent. xv. (paper), containing Ant.

Würzburg, M. ch. f 276, of cent. xv. (paper), containing Ant. and Quaest.


Besides these, there are at Augsburg, Florence, Rome, Trèves, MSS. containing Quaest. only, and at Coblenz one of which no particulars were forthcoming.
For the purposes of the present volume only four of the above authorities have been employed, namely, the Fulda-Cassel MS. as represented by Sichardus's edition (and with it we must allow for some use of the lost MS. from Lorsch), the Cheltenham, Vatican, and Vienna MSS. The fact that Dr. Cohn was known to have in contemplation a full critical edition precluded others from trying to cover the whole ground, and, even had it been otherwise desirable to do so, the investigation would have been very difficult for anyone outside Germany. There are, for instance, no printed catalogues of the Admont, Cassel, or Würzburg libraries.
p. 15
However, the paucity of authorities here brought to bear is of little importance. What Dr. Lehmann tells us 1 is sufficient to show that none of the MSS. present a completer text than we already know. All must go back to an ancestor which was already mutilated when our first transcripts of it were made. Upon this point more will be said. At present we will take account of what Dr. Lehmann has to say of Sichardus's MSS., and proceed to the description of the MSS. actually used, and of some subsidiary authorities.
Of the Fulda MS. we now learn that it is the work of more than one scribe, of the eleventh century. The Antiquities occupy ff. 1-65a, and have a title in a late medieval hand: Libri Philonis Iudei de initio mundi, which, or the like, is "usual in the MSS." The Quaestiones, entitled (in the original hand): Filonis Questionum in genisi et solutionum, follow on ff. 65a-89a, and in them is a noteworthy feature. On f. 86, in the middle of the page the MS. omits, without any sign of a break, a long passage containing the end of the Quaestiones and the beginning of the De Essaeis, and corresponding to pp. 82, l. 40-84, l. 16 of Sichardus's edition. At this point Sichardus has a marginal note: "Here the copies differed, but we have followed that of Lorsch, as being the older." Now this same gap is found in most, if not in all, of the other MSS., and not all of these are copied directly from the Fulda MS. We may say, therefore, that all MSS. showing this gap are independent of the Lorsch MS., but not necessarily dependent on the Fulda MS.
p. 16
It is clear from what has been said that Sichardus was wrong in regarding the Fulda MS. as a copy of that of Lorsch, and that the latter represented an old and valuable tradition: and, further, that he exaggerates greatly when he says that the two MSS. were as alike as two eggs. 1 Dr. Lehmann's final remark is that the disappearance of the Lorsch MS. is very much to be deplored, for, judged by the Greek fragments and the Armenian version of the Quaestiones, it represented a better tradition than all the extant Latin MSS.
Of the other MSS. in the list given above, it may be observed that the Cues MS. (written at Gottweih in 1451) and the two Würzburg MSS. are not likely to be of very much value: and that, of the three Munich MSS., that from Tegernsee (18481) is to all appearance the parent of the other two. Probably the monk who wrote to Tegernsee to borrow a Philo (see p. 10) was a member of Benedictbeuren or Schäftlarn. The Schäftlarn copy (17133) was written between 1160 and 1164. 2
I now proceed to give a detailed account of the three complete MSS. which I have been able to use, and of certain subsidiary authorities. The three MSS. are those mentioned by Dr. Cohn in his article, and I have been led to examine them during recent years by my interest in the text, and without serious thought of using them for the purposes of an edition. They are the copies preserved at Cheltenham, Vienna, and Rome.
p. 17P. The Phillipps MS. 461 is a small vellum book (6 5/8 x 4 3/4 in.) of 124 leaves, with 20 lines to a page; a few leaves palimpsest, over not much older writing. It is of cent. XII., clearly written: on f. 1a the provenance is stated, in this inscription: Codex SX (?) Sci. Eucharii primi Trevirorum archiepi. siquis eum abstulerit anathema sit. Amen. A hand of cent. XV. adds the word Mathie. Then follows the title, of cent. XV.: Philo iudeus de successione generacionis veteris Testamenti. On f. 1b is Jerome's account of Philo (de virr. illustr. c. XI.): the text of the book begins on 3a: Adam genuit, and ends on 119b without colophon. It is followed by a few pieces of medieval Latin verse, of no great interest. The first begins; Carnis in ardore flagrans monialis amore. Another is on Chess: Qui cupit egregium scacorum noscere ludum Audiat. ut potui carmine composui.
V. Vindobonensis lat. 446, a small folio of 53 leaves, with 31 lines to a page, in a tall, narrow, rather sloping hand, doubtless German, by more than one scribe: of cent. XII. late or XIII. early. There is an old press-mark of cent. XVI.: XI°. 68. The text is preceded by Jeronimus de Phylone in catalogo uirorum illustrium. It begins Incip. Genesis. INITIUM MUNDI. Adam genuit, and ends on 53a without colophon, occupying the whole volume.
R. Vaticanus lat. 488, of cent. XV., in a very pretty Roman hand, in double columns of 35 lines. The first 8c, leaves contain tracts of Augustine, Prosper and Jerome. Our book, to which is prefixed the extract from Jerome, begins on f. 81. It is headed: Genesis, and begins: Inicium mundi. Adam Genuit. The colophon is: Explicit ystoria philonis ab initio mundi usque ad David regent. It is followed by the Quaestiones et Solutiones in Genesim, which occupy ff. 129-148 (end). The arms of Paul V. and of Cardinal Scipione Borghese the librarian are on the binding: there is no other mark of provenance.
 
P is thus the only one of the three manuscripts whose old home can be definitely fixed. It belonged to the abbey of St. Eucharius, otherwise called of St. Matthias (whose body lies there), just outside Trèves.
(c) Next come certain manuscripts which contain extracts from the text.
p. 18Ph. The Phillipps MS. 391, Of 92 ff., of cent. XII. early, contains principally tracts of Jerome, notably Quaestiones Hebraicae. On ff. 87-8 it has the four extracts which I printed in 1893 (see above). It belonged to Leander van Ess, and has an old press-mark C I or C 7.
T. No. 117 in the Town Library at Trèves. A paper MS., dated 1459. It contains five of the same tracts as Ph and two of the extracts from Philo. It retains its old press-mark, B II, and an inscription showing that it belonged to the abbey of S. Maria ad Martyres at Trèves. The contents of the book and the text of the extracts make it clear that T is a copy of Ph or of a sister-book, while the form of the press-mark shows that Ph and T belonged to the same library. Thus T is only important as helping to "place" Ph.
F. MS. McClean 31 in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (fully described in my catalogue of the McClean MSS.), is a remarkable copy of the Aurora, or versified Bible, of Petrus de Riga. It is of cent. XIII., and is copiously annotated. Among the marginalia are many extracts (a complete list will be found at the beginning of the Appendix on various Readings) from Philo, uniformly introduced under that name, and for the most part abridged. The manuscript may have been written in the Rhine Provinces, or in Eastern France.
J. The Hebrew Chronicle of Jerahmeel, edited in an English translation by Dr. M. Gaster (Oriental Translation Fund, New series IV., 1899), was compiled early in cent. XIV. somewhere in the Rhineland. It contains large portions of Philo, some in extenso, some abridged. A list is given in the Appendix. Dr. Gaster will have it that the Hebrew is the original text; but Hebraists do not agree with him, and it is, in fact, possible to show that the Hebrew writer was translating from Latin, and from a manuscript which contained misreadings common to those we now have. See the Appendix of Readings on III. 10, VII. 3.
(d) Glancing back over the list, we see that for all but one of the items a German origin is established. The Vatican MS. is the exception, and even this presents certain indications of German origin. Near the beginning of the book (III. 3) is a speech beginning Deleam. R reads Vel eam.
p. 19[paragraph continues] Now it is a habit with German scribes of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to write their capital D's with a sharply-pointed base, making the letter very like the outline of the conventional harp, and also very like a capital V; nor do I know any other script in which the likeness between D and V is so striking. My guess is that the scribe of R, encountering the puzzling letter near the beginning of his work, made the mistake, which he does not repeat; and I regard it as an indication that his archetype was a German book of the same age as V (and, I may say by anticipation, presenting a remarkably similar text to that of V).
Thus the geographical distribution of the authorities combines with the evidence of the literature to show that in the Middle Ages Philo was circulated within very narrow limits, and practically confines those limits to Germany and Northern France.
(e) Of these authorities I have transcribed A, collated P (on the spot),and R (from a photograph) in full; have examined and partially collated V (on the spot), and have transcribed Ph, T, and F: J is in print, and I have collated that also.
The complete copies which are known to us are all ultimately derived from a single imperfect ancestor. All exhibit the same lacunae. The text, as we have it, ends abruptly in the midst of Saul's last dying speech: "Say to David: Thus saith Saul: Be not mindful of my hatred nor of my unrighteousness." How much further the story went we shall discuss later on. That it is imperfect is clear, and all our copies agree in the imperfection. Two other obvious lacunae occur about two-thirds of the way through the book, in the story of Abimelech. After the death of Gideon (XXXVII. 1) we read that "he had a son by a concubine who slew all his brethren,
p. 20
desiring to be ruler over the people. Then came together all the trees of the field to the fig-tree, and said: Come reign over us." Thus we pass from the first entry of Abimelech to a point somewhere in the Parable of Jotham. I think we must assume that at this place a leaf was missing in the ancestor of all our copies. None of them make any attempt to fill the gap. At the end of the story of Abimelech is another bad place (XXXVIII. 1): "After these things Abimelech ruled over the people for one year and six months, and died (under a certain tower) when a woman let fall half a millstone upon him. (Then Jair judged Israel twenty and two years.) He built a sanctuary to Baal," etc. The words in parentheses represent the supplements of P. The text as read in A would imply that Abimelech built a sanctuary to Baal; but it was in fact Jair who did so. Here, then, is another gap, the extent of which is uncertain. The immediate successor of Abimelech in the Bible is Tola. Our historian may or may not have noticed him: he does, later on, omit one of the minor judges, Ibzan. At most, another leaf is wanting at this point: at least, a few lines have been lost by casual damage.
There are, further, indications that the imperfect archetype was an uncial MS. with undivided words. In the early pages of the book much space is occupied by lists of names, which, being invented by the author, could not be corrected by recourse to the Bible. The many disagreements as to the divisions of the names (e.g. Sifatecia Sifa. Tecia, Lodo. Otim Lodoothim, filii aram filiarum, etc.) point to a stage at which the scribe had no guidance in this matter. So do such variants as memoraret artari for memorare tartari, in chaoma tonata for in chaomate nata. Again, in XIX 15 certain unintelligible
p. 21
words (istic mel apex magnus) are written in capitals in V, which I interpret as an attempt on the part of the scribe to represent exactly the ductus litterarum of an ancestor.
A minuscule stage is evidenced by frequent confusions (in proper names) of f and s, of c and z, of ch and di, and an occasional r for n or the converse. This last error, were it more frequent, might point to an "insular" ancestor somewhere in the pedigree. There is an a priori likelihood that a rare text current in the Rhenish district would have attracted the notice of Irish monks and have been preserved by them. A closer study of the variants may perhaps confirm this notion. 1
External and internal evidence combined lead me to the conclusion that our text was preserved in a single imperfect copy written in uncials, and containing the Antiquities, the Quaestiones in Genesim, and De Essaeis, which had survived at some centre of ancient culture in the Rhenish district, most likely in or near Trèves.
(f) The authorities used in this book fall into three groups: (1) Lorsch and Fulda, represented by the printed text, which I call A; (2) The Trèves group P, Ph, T; (3) VRFJ. This is a rough division. Sichardus gives us no means of distinguishing readings peculiar to either of his MSS. and, as we have seen, is probably wrong in saying that they were very closely allied. The Trèves MSS. are in more frequent agreement with A than VR. V and R, if not parent and child (and probably they are not) are at least uncle and nephew. Generally speaking I am of opinion that, though manifestly wrong in a number of small points, A is preferable to any one of the complete MSS. that I have seen.
p. 22
It will be readily understood that, in an edition like this, a complete exposition of the evidence for the text is impossible: but by way of illustration we will take a short passage for which all our authorities except J are available, and in which the grouping is (if imperfectly) shown. The Song of David before Saul (LX. 2 sqq.) runs thus in APPhTVRF. A is taken as the basis.
Tenebrae et silentium erant (erat RF) antequam fieret seculum, et locutum est silentium et apparuerunt tenebrae.
Et factum est tunc (om. tunc RF) nomen tuum in compaginatione extensionis quod appellatum (+ est VRFPhT) superius coelum, inferius vocatum (invocatum. V) est terra.
Et praeceptum est superiori ut plueret secundum tempus eius (suum F) et inferiori pracceptum est (praec. est inf. F: om. praec. est R) ut crearet escam omnibus quae facta sunt (homini qui factus est VRF).
Et post haec facta est tribus spiritum uestrorum (nostrorum F).
Et nunc molesta, esse noli tanquam secunda creatura (factura VRF).
Si comminus memoraret artari in quo ambulas A.
Si comminus memorarer artare, etc. PPhT (artare rather obscure in T).
Si quominus memorare tartari (tractari R) in quo ambulabas VRF.
Aut non audire tibi sufficit quoniam per ea quae consonant in conspectu tuo multis (in multis VRF) psallo?
Aut immemor es quoniam de resultatione in chaoma tonata (in chaomate nata VRF) est uestra creatura?
Arguet autem tempora noua (te metra noua VRF) unde natus sum, de quo nascitur (de qua nascetur VRF) post tempus de lateribus meis qui uos donauit (domauit P, domabit PhTVRF).
VRF here show themselves the best in some important readings. The first (homini for omnibus) is the least obvious: but it will be quickly seen that the point of the invective is that evil spirits are a secondary creation, and particularly that they are inferior to man. If not actually created after man, at least they came into being after the earth, which was to supply food to him. Moreover, a similar variant occurs early in the book (III. 2), non diiudicabit spiritus meus in omnibus (AVR: hominibus P) istis, Thep. 23[paragraph continues]LXX of Gen. 63, ἐν τοῖσ ἀνθρώποισ τούτοισ, shows that P is right.
But VR (F is rarely available) are not uniformly successful. They sometimes shirk difficulties. In IX. 13 Moses "natus est in testamento dei et in testamento carnis eius" (i.e. was born circumcised). Here VR read "in testamentum carnis, which makes nonsense: and a few lines later, where it is said of Pharaoh's daughter: "et dum uidisset in Zaticon (sc. διαθήκην) hoc est in testamento carnis," the whole clause is omitted by VIZ.
In III. 10, we have "et reddet infernus debitum suum, et perditio restituet paralecem suam." This is the obviously right reading of AP: VR read partem suam, and J betrays itself not only as a version from Latin, but as dependent on a Latin MS. allied to VR, by saying "and Abaddon shall return its portion."
When Pharaoh has determined to destroy the Hebrew children, the people say (IX. 2): "ὠμοτοκείαν (ometocean cett.) passa sunt viscera mulierum nostrarum." All the authorities, including F, keep the strange word, but V writes "Ometocean id est passa sunt," showing that at some stage there was an intention to insert a Latin equivalent. Still, the word has survived.
The shirking of difficulties is not confined to VR. The priestly vestments, epomis (XI. 15) and cidaris (XIII. 1), become ebdomas and cithara in AP, but not in VR. In a list of the plagues of Egypt (X. 1), one, pammixia, is omitted by AP and retained by VR. This word pammixia (panimixia in the MSS.) deserves a passing note, for it does not seem to have made its way into dictionaries or concordances. It is intended to mean the plague of all manner of flies, for which the LXX and Vulgate equivalent is κυνομυια, coenomyia. Jerome, writing on this, says it ought to be κοινομυια, signifying a mixture of all manner of flies, and adds that Aquila's word for it was παμμικτον. Older editors read παμμυιαν for παμμικτον, but Field, or some one before him, corrected it, and our text confirms the correction.
VR do not always go together: R, as being later, has corruptions of its own. Psalphinga, a trumpet, is a favourite word with our author: R at first writes this as psalmigraphus; later, when he has realised that this is nonsense, he reproduces psalphinga as he should.
We have not yet cited examples in which the Trèves MSS. stand apart. I will give two specimens, one of a few words, the other longer, in which this is the case.p. 21i. XXII1. 4. Una petra erat unde effodi patrem uestrum. et genuit uir scopuli illius duos uiros A. P has: incisco petre illius, which is nearly right: VRF have "incisio petre illius," which is quite right.
ii. In the Lament of Jephthah's Daughter (XL. 6 seq.) all our authorities are available except F. J is very loose and paraphrastic, and its evidence will be given after the rest.
The first clause has no important variants. After that, taking A as the basis, we have—

(a) Ego autem non sum saturata thalamo meo, nec repleta sum coronis nuptiarum mearum.

(b) Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in genua mea.

    Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in uirginitate mea P.

    Non enim uestita sum splendore sedens in ingenuitate mea PhT.

    Non enim uestita sum splendore secundum ingenuam meam VR.

(c) Non sum usa Mosi odoris mei.

    "    "     preciosi odoramenti mei PPhT.

    "    "     moysi odoris mei VR (om. usa R).

(Sichardus conjectured Moscho for Mosi: Pitra prints non sunt thymia odoris.)

(d) Nec froniuit (fronduit V) anima mea oleo unctionis quod (quibus R) praeparatum est mihi AVR.

Nec froniuit animam meam oleum unctionis quod praeparatum est mihi PPhT.

(e) O mater, in uano (uanum V) peperisti unigenitam, tuam AVR.

    O mater, in uano peperisti unigenitam tuam et genuisti eam super terram PPhT (see below, (g)).

(f) Quoniam, factus est infernus thalamus meus.

(g) et genuam meam super terram A.

    et genua mea super terram. VR (om. mea R).

       P PhT have the equivalent above in (e).

(h) et confectio omnis olei quod praeparasti mihi effundatur.

    (om. et) confectio omnis olei quam preparauit mihi mater mea eff. PPhT.

    et confectio omnis olei quam preparasti mihi effundetur VR.

(i) et alba quam neuit mater mea tinea comedat eam.

    et albam (alba Ph) quam neuit tinea comedat PPhT.p. 25    et albam quam neuit mater mea tinea comedet eam VR.

(k) et corona quam intexuit nutrix mea in tempore marcescat.

    et corona quam intexuit mea nutrix in tempore marcescat PPhT.

    et flores corone quam intexuit nutrix mea in tempore marcescant (marcescet R) VR.

(l) et stratoria quae texuit in genuam meam de Hyacinthino. et purpura uermis ca corrumpet.

    et stratoria quae texuit mihi de iacincto et purpura uermis ea corrumpat PPhT (corrumpet P).

    et stratoria quae texuit ingenium meum de iacinctino et purpuram meam uermes corrumpant V.

    et stratoriam quae texuit ingenium meum de iacinctino et purpuram meam uermis corrumpat R.

(m) et referentes de me conuirgines meae in gemitu per dies plangant me.

    et referentes de me conuirgines meae cum gemitu per dies plangant me PPhT.

    et referentes me conuirgines meae in gemitum per dies plangant me VR.
The passage reads thus in J, p. 178 (a): "I have not beheld my bridal canopy, nor has the crown of my betrothal been completed. (b) I have not been decked with the lovely ornaments of the bride who sits in her virginity. (c) nor have I been perfumed with the myrrh and the sweet smelling aloe.

(d) I have not been anointed with the oil of anointment that was prepared for me.

(e) Alas, O my mother, it was in vain that thou didst give me birth.

Behold thine only one (f) is destined for the bridal chamber of the grave.

(g) Thou hast wearied thyself for me to no purpose.

(h) The oil with which I was anointed will be wasted.

(i) And the white garments with which I was clothed the moths will eat.

(k) The garlands of my crown with which thou hast exalted me will wither and dry up.

(l) And my garments of fine needlework in blue and purple the worm shall destroy.

(m) And now my friends will lament all the days of my mourning."p. 26
It will be seen that J has some equivalent for every clause (though in (g) he has wandered far from the text).
In (b) he read sedens in uirginitate or ingenuitate with the Trèves MSS.: in (k) "garlands of my crown" seems nearer to flores corone of VR. For the rest he is too paraphrastic to be followed closely.
It is very odd that three times over in this short passage the words in genua mea, genuam meam, in genuam meam should occur in one of the groups, each time disturbing the sense, while another group somehow avoids the difficulty. It looks suspicious for the group which does so. But the evidence of the Trèves group is not to be lightly dismissed. It would justify a theory that where the words first occur they are corrupt for ingenuitate, that on the second occasion an obscurity of a few letters genu… eam, present in the ancestor of the other MSS., was not in that of the Trèves group: and that in the third case the words are merely intrusive—perhaps wrongly inserted from a margin. Another blurring of a few letters would account for the differences between moysi and preciosi, and between odoris and odoramenti. But I do not regard this as a really satisfactory explanation.
Footnotes12:1 The important sentences in the original are : ut sensimus… exemplaria, quorum duo habuimus, tam constanter p. 13 tamque ex composito mendos suos tueri, consilium, quod mutandorum quorundam coeperamus, plane abiecimus, imitati id quod utrumque exemplar haberet, quae tamen ita erant inter se similia, ut nec ouum diceres ouo magis, ut dubium mihi non esset, quin ex altero esset alterum descriptum, utcunque magno loci intervallo dissita. Quippe attuleramus commodum illud Fuldense uestrum, cum antea ex Laurissensi coenobio impetrassemus pervetustum quidem illud, et quod nobis felicissimae editionis magnam spem fecerat: sed progressos paululum non modo foede destituit, sed et fecit ut praeproperae nos editionis plurimum. poeniteret… dedimus operam ut ab exemplaribus quam minimum discederemus, ut sicubi fortasse extaret aliud exemplar, id quod tum inaudieramus, eius collatione nostra… absolverentur.
15:1 P. Lehmann: Johannes Sichardus und die von ihm benutzten Bibliotheken und Handschriften (Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters, IV. 1. 19 12).
16:1 Dr. Lehmann quotes a number of instances in which Sichardus has deviated from the MS. in spelling: he is also clear that conjecture was resorted to. This last statement applies especially, I think, to the Quaestiones.
16:2 The printed catalogue gives the title of the Antiquities in 4569 and 18481 as Historia ab initio mundi usque ad Dauid regem. In 18481 it is preceded by Jerome's notice of Philo.
21:1 In XVI. 7 in syna seems to be a mistake for in gyro.
4. TITLE, AND ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO.
4. The TITLE of the book is somewhat of a puzzle. Sichardus calls it Philonis Judaei antiquitatum Biblicarum liber, the Fulda catalogue (and the label on the Fulda MS.) Philonis antiquitatum liber; a late title in the same MS. is: libri Philonis iudei de initio mundi; P has a title of cent. XV.: Philo iudeus de successione generationum veteris testamenti; R, in the colophon: "ystoria Philonis ab initio mundi usque ad David regem" (so also two at least of the Munich M SS.); Trithemius has De generationis successu. Sixtus Senensis has two notices of the book: in the first, which is drawn from Sichardus., he calls it Biblicarum antiquitatum liber; in the second, which depends on some MS., his words are: "In Gen. Cap. 5 de successione generis humani liber unus, continens enarrationem genealogiae seu posteritatis Adae. Liber incipit: Ἀδὰμ ἐγέννησε Adam genuitp. 27tres filios." The two Greek words I take to be no more than a re-translation from Latin. The MS. V has no title at all.
Thus we have authority for three names. The first, Biblicarum antiquitatum, I think, must be in part due to Sichardus; the epithet "Biblicarum" savours to my mind of the Renaissance, and has no certain MS. attestation. "Antiquitatum" (which is as old as cent. XIV.) is probably due to a recollection of Josephus's great work, the Jewish Antiquities. The other name, de successione generationum or the like, has rather better attestation, and: Historia ab initio mundi, etc. (if original in the Munich MSS.) the oldest of all. I can hardly believe, however, that any of them are original; it seems more probable that some Biblical name was prefixed to the book when it was first issued. Rather out of respect to the first editor than for any better reason I have retained the title Biblical Antiquities, under which the text was introduced to the modern world.
The ATTRIBUTION TO PHILO I regard as due to the accident that the text was transmitted in company with genuine Philonic writings. 1 Certainly, if the Antiquities had come down to us by themselves, no one in his senses could have thought of connecting them with Philo; unless, indeed, knowing of but two Jewish authors, Philo and Josephus, he assumed that, since one had written a history of the Jews, the other must needs have followed suit.
5. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE.
5. The ORIGINAL LANGUAGE of the book, its date, its form and its purpose, must now be discussed.
p. 28
Original Language.—The Latin version, in which alone we possess the work, is quite obviously a translation from Greek. The forms of proper names, the occurrence of Greek words which puzzled the translator, ometocea, pammixia, epomis, etc., make this abundantly clear. It is hardly less plain that the Greek was a translation from Hebrew. As Dr. Cohn has pointed out, the whole complexion, and especially the connecting links of the narrative, are strongly Hebraic, and there is a marked absence of the Greek use of particles, or of any attempt to link sentences together save by the bald "et," which occurs an incredible number of times.
Some statistics may be given: Et factum est occurs at least 33 times; Et tum (usually of the past) 37; Tunc 25; Et nunc (of present or future) 85; In tempore illo 18; In diebus illis (and the like) 10; Et post haec, or postea 30; Ecce 105; Ecce nunc 47; Et ideo 27; Et erit cum, or si 24. Other common links which I have not counted are Et ut (uidit, etc.), Et cum, His dictis, Propterea.
The leading Hebraisms are present: adiicere, or apponere with another verb, meaning "he did so yet again," 9 times at least; the intensive participle and verb (Illuminans illuminaui) 15 times. We have Si introducing a question 4 times; a uiro usque ad mulierem and the like (XXX. 4; XLVII. 10); ad uictoriam, in uictoria (= למנצח, "Utterly"); IX. 3; XII. 6; XLIX. 6.
Hebraists, among whom I cannot reckon myself, may probably detect the presence of plays upon words, passages written in poetical form (some of which are indeed obvious), and mistranslations. 1p. 29
From what has just been said it will be rightly gathered that the literary style of Philo is not its strong point. Indeed, it is exceedingly monotonous, full of repetitions and catchwords. The author's one device for obtaining an "effect" is to string together a number of high-sounding clauses, as he does, for example, in his repeated descriptions of the giving of the Law. As a narrator, he has another trick. An incident is often compared to another in the past (or future) history of Israel, and many times is an episode from that history related in a speech or prayer.
Some of the recurrent phrases are: I spake of old saying about 25 times; in vain, or not in vain 14; it is better for us to do this than… 7; not for our sakes, but for… about 5 times; who knoweth whether 4; dost thou not remember 3; To thy seed will I give this land (or the like) 7-9; the covenant which he made 5-8; I know that the people will sin 8-9; God's anger will not endure for ever 10; The Gentiles will say 4-8; I call heaven and earth to witness 4-5; in the last days 4; make straight your ways 5-6; corrupt (your ways, etc.) 18; remember or visit the world 6; be for a testimony 10. Of single words accipere occurs 88 times in the first half of the text; habitare, inhabitare about 80 times in the whole text; iniquitas 33; disponere 37; testamentum 47; ambulare 21; uia, uiae 25; adducere 19; seducere 21; saeculum 27; sempiternus 15; constituere 20; expugnare 27; zelari 14; illuminare 12; renunciare 15.
Other lists are given in Appendix II.Footnotes27:1 Pitra thought that the Latin versions of these were by the same hand: I cannot confirm this idea, and indeed incline to question its correctness.
28:1 Of mistranslations I can only point to one. In VIII. 13 Visui appears as a proper name. It seems clearly to be a mistake for "and Isui." The error implies a Hebrew original: it is not found in the LXX. See the Appendix on Readings in loc.
6. DATE.
6. As to the DATE of the book, a positive indication of a terminus a quo has been detected in the text by Dr. Colin. He draws attention to a speech of God to Moses (XIX. 7): "I will show thee the place wherein the people shall serve me 850 (MSS. 740) years, and thereafter it shall be delivered into the hands of the enemies, and they shall destroy it, and strangers shall compass it
p. 30
about; and it shall be on that day like as it was in the day when I brake the tables of the covenant which I made with thee in Horeb: and when they sinned, that which was written thereon vanished away. Now that day was the 17th day of the 4th month." Dr. Cohn's comment is: "These words are meant to signify that Jerusalem was taken on the 17th of Tamuz, on the same day on which the Tables of the Law were broken by Moses. The capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, however, took place on the 9th of Tamuz (Jer. 526; Cf. 2 Kings 253). The… 17th of Tamuz can relate only to the second temple (read capture) as it is expressly mentioned in the Talmud (Taanith IV. 6, cf. Seder Olam Rabbah, cap. 6 and 30) that on that date the Tables of the Law were destroyed and Jerusalem was taken by Titus. Thus the author betrays himself by giving as the date of the capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians what is really the date of the capture by Titus."
The point is so important that I have felt it only right to present the evidence in some detail. The Mishnah of Taanith IV. 6 says "Five calamities befell our fathers on the 17th of Tamuz and five on the 9th of Ab. On the 17th Tamuz the Tables of the Law were broken: the daily sacrifice ceased to be offered: the city of Jerusalem was broken into: Apostomos burnt the Law and set up an idol in the sanctuary. On the 9th of Ab our fathers were told that they should not enter the holy land (Num. xiv.). The first and the second temple were destroyed; Bethar was taken, and the plough passed over the soil of Jerusalem."
It must be borne in mind that the capture of Jerusalem, and not the destruction of the Temple,
p. 31
is the event of which the date is important. To establish Dr. Cohn's argument, it is necessary that the capture of the city by Titus, and not the capture by Nebuchadnezzar, should be assigned to the 17th Tamuz.
The Gemara of the Jerusalem Talmud on the Mishnah quoted above attempts to show that there is a confusion in the chronology, and that probably both captures took place on the 17th Tamuz. But that of the Babylonian Talmud, which Mr. I. Abrahams has kindly translated for me, makes the requisite distinction between the dates, in these terms—
The city was broken up on the 17th. Was it indeed so? Is it not written "in the 4th month, on the 9th of the month, the famine was sore" (Jer. 526): and is it not written in the following verse: "then the city was broken up"? Raba replied: There is no difficulty: for the one refers to the first, the other to the second Temple. For there is a baraitha (teaching) which teaches: "On the first occasion the city was broken into on the 9th of Tamuz, and on the second occasion on the 17th."
This clearly justifies Dr. Cohn in taking the 17th of Tamuz as the date primarily associated with the capture by Titus. The attempt of the Jerusalem Talmud to place the Babylonian capture on the same date is of a later complexion, and is made, it seems, in the interests of a factitious symmetry. The baraitha quoted in the Babylonian Talmud is of the same age as the Mishnah (i.e. before A.D. 200).
Thus Philo is indeed referring to the capture by Titus, and is therefore writing at a date later than A.D. 70. But, apart from this piece of positive evidence, the general complexion of the book
p. 32
strongly supports Dr. Cohn when he holds that it was written after the destruction of the second Temple. There is a singular absence of interest in the Temple services and in the ceremonial Law, whereas the moral Law, and especially the Decalogue, is dwelt upon again and again. Of course we read of sacrifices and the like, and it was impossible for the author to avoid all mention of the Tabernacle and its vessels, and of the yearly feasts. But the space devoted to them is strikingly small. The Passover is twice mentioned by name, and its institution is once referred to, together with that of the Feasts of Weeks, of Trumpets, and of Tabernacles, but no stress is laid upon it. The prescriptions for the observance of the Sabbath mention only synagogal services. When we compare Philo with Jubilees (second cent. B.C.), where the constant effort is to antedate the ceremonial Law in every part, we feel that we are in a wholly different stage of Judaism. Further, the evidence derivable from the resemblances between Philo and other books certainly written after A.D. 70, which will be found collected in another part of this Introduction, points unequivocally in the same direction.
In the portion of the book which we have (and it is important to remember that it is but a fragment) the writer's anticipations of a restoration and his allusions to the desolation of Jerusalem are equally faint and dim. It is probable that as occasion served—e.g. when he came to treat of Solomon's temple—he would have spoken more plainly than he could well do when dealing with the earlier history. If an opinion based upon what we possess of his work is demanded, my own is that an appreciable interval must be placed between the destruction of the city and our
p. 33
author's time. I should assign him to the closing years of the first Christian century. 1
Footnotes33:1 It might even be said that the vagueness of his hopes and aspirations points to an even later period, after the crushing of the Bar-Cochba rising in A.D. 135. However, the fact of the acceptance of the book by the Christian Church, which alone has preserved it, and the absence of anti-Christian polemic, forbid us to assign to it a date at all late in the second century.
7. FORM.
7. As to the FORM, I suggest that the chief model which the author set before himself was the Biblical Book of Chronicles. He begins abruptly, as that does, with genealogies and with Adam: he introduces from time to time short pieces of narrative, which rapidly increase in importance until they occupy the whole field: he devotes much space to speeches and prayers, and is fond of statements of numbers. His aim is to supplement existing narratives, and he wholly passes over large tracts of the history, occasionally referring to the Biblical books in which further details are to be found: and it is to be noted that he seems to place his own work on a level with them. "Are not these things written in the book of" the Judges, or the Kings, is his formula, and it is that of the Bible also. In all these respects he follows the Chronicler: only, as has been said, we miss in him the liturgical and priestly interest of that writer. Like the Chronicler, too, he is, and I believe was from the first, anonymous; I can find no trace of an attempt to personate any individual prophet, priest or scribe.
8. PURPOSE.
8. The PURPOSE of the author I read thus. He wishes to supplement existing narratives, as has been said; and this he does by means of his fabulous genealogies (which, especially in the corrupt state in which we have them, arouse but a faint
p. 34
interest) and also by his paraphrases 1 of Bible stories, (for example, those of Korah, Balaam, Jael, Micah) and by his fresh inventions, especially that of Kenaz, the first judge, which is on the whole his most successful effort. In this side of his work he seeks to interest rather than to instruct. On the religious side I detect a wish to infuse a more religious tone into certain episodes of the history, particularly into the period of the judges, and to emphasize certain great truths, foremost among which I should place the indestructibility of Israel, and the duty of faithfulness to the one God. Lapse into idolatry and union with Gentiles are the dangers he most dreads for his people. I have collected the passages in which his positive teaching, is most clear and prominent, and purpose in this place to digest them under several heads, usually in the order in which they occur in the text.

The Future State of Souls and the End of the World.
III. 10. When the years of the world (or age) are fulfilled, God will quicken the dead, and raise up from the earth them that sleep: Sheol will restore its debt, and Abaddon its deposit, and every man will be rewarded according to his works. There will be an end of death, Sheol will shut its mouth, the earth will be universally fertile. No one who is "justified in God" shall be defiled. There will be a new heaven and a new earth, an everlasting habitation.
XIX. 4. God will reveal the end of the world.
p. 35
XIX. 7. Moses is not to enter into the promised land "in this age."
12. He is to be made to sleep with the fathers, and have rest, until God visits the earth, and raises him and the fathers from the earth in which they sleep, and they come together and dwell in an immortal habitation.
13. This heaven will pass away like a cloud, and the times and seasons be shortened when the end draws near, for God will hasten to raise up them that sleep, and all who are able to live will dwell in the holy place which he has shown to Moses.
XXI. 9. God told the fathers in the secret places of souls, how he had fulfilled his promises: cf. XXIV. 6; XXXII. 13.
XXIII. 6. He showed Abraham the place of fire in which evil deeds will be expiated, and the torches which will enlighten the righteous who have believed.
13. The lot of the righteous Israelites will be in eternal life: their souls will be taken and laid up in peace, until the time of the world is fulfilled, and God restores them, to the fathers, and the fathers to them.
XXVI. 12. The precious stones of the temple will be hidden away until God remembers the world, and then will be brought out with others from the place which eye hath not seen nor ear heard, etc. The righteous will not need the light of the sun or moon, for these stones will give them light.
XXVIII. 10. The rest (requies) of the righteous when they are dead.
XXXII. 17. The renewal of the creation (cf. XVI. 3).
XXXIII. 2-5. There is no room for repentance
p. 36
after death, nor can the fathers after their death intercede for Israel.
XXXVIII. 4. Jair's victims are quickened with "living fire" and are delivered. (This, however, does not seem strictly to apply to the future state: see the passage.)
XLVIII. 1. When God remembers the world Phinehas will taste of death. Until then he will dwell with those who have been "taken up" before him.
LI. 5. God quickens the righteous, but shuts up the wicked in darkness. When the bad die they perish: when the righteous sleep they are delivered.
LXII. 9. Jonathan is sure that souls will recognize each other after death.
The Lot of the Wicked.
XVI. 3. Korah and his company: their dwelling will be in darkness and perdition, and they will pine away until God remembers the world, and then they will die and not live, and their remembrance will perish like that of the Egyptians in the Red Sea and the men who perished in the Flood. 6. Korah and his company, when they were swallowed up, "sighed until the firmament should be restored to the earth."
XVIII. 12. Balaam will gnash his teeth because of his sins.
XXXI. 7. Sisera is to go and tell his father in hell that he has fallen by the hand of a woman.
XXXVIII. 4. Jair will have his dwelling-place in fire: so also Doeg, LXIII. 4.
XLIV. 10. Micah and his mother will die in torments, punished by the idols he has made. And this will be the rule for all men, that they shall suffer in such fashion as they have sinned.
p. 37
Punishment, long deferred, for past sins, is much in our author's mind.
VI. 11. Abram says "I may be burned to death on account of my (former) sins. God's will be done."
XXVII. 7. If Kenaz falls in battle it will be because of his sins.
15. Certain men were punished, not for their present offence, but for a former one.
XLII. 2. Manoah's wife is barren because of sins.
XLV. 3. The Levite's concubine had sinned years before and is now punished.
XLIX. 5. Elkanah says: If my sins have overtaken me, I had better kill myself.
The greatness of Israel and of the Law.
VII. 4. The Holy Land was not touched by the Flood.
IX. 3. The world will come to naught sooner than Israel can be destroyed.
4. When Israel was not yet in being, God spoke of it.
XII. 9. If God destroys Israel there will be none left to glorify him.
XVIII. 13. Israel can only be defeated if it sins.
XXXII. 9, 14. The heavenly bodies are ministers to Israel, and will intercede with God if Israel is in a strait.
15. Israel was born of the rib of Adam.
XXXIX. 7. The habitable places of the world were made for Israel.
IX. 8. God thought of the Law in ancient days.
XI. 1. It is a light to Israel but a punishment to the wicked.
2. It is an everlasting Law by which God will
p. 38
judge the world. Men shall not be able to say "we have not heard."
5. It is an eternal commandment which shall not pass away.
XXXII. 7. It was prepared from the birth of the world.
Of Union with Gentiles.
IX. 1. The worst feature of the Egyptian oppression was the proposal that the Hebrew girls should marry Egyptians.
5. Tamar sinned with Judah rather than mingle with Gentiles, and was justified.
XVIII. 13. The union with the daughters of Moab and Midian would be fatal to Israel.
XLIII. 5. Samson mingled with Gentiles, and was therefore punished. He was unlike Joseph.
Angelology.
The service of angels is fairly prominent, and several are named.
XI. 12. "Bear not false witness, lest thy guardians do so of thee." This, I think, refers to angels.
XV. 5. The angels will not intercede for the people if they sin. The angel of God's wrath will smite the people.
"I put angels under their feet." (Also XXX. 5.)
XVIII. 5. "I said to the angels that work subtilly (?)."
6. Jacob wrestled with the angel that is over the praises.
XIX. 16. The angels lament for Moses.
XXVII. 10. Gethel or Ingethel is the angel of hidden things; Zeruel the angel of strength. (Also LXI. 5.)
XXXII. 1, 2. The angels were jealous of Abraham,
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XXXIV. 3. Certain angels were judged: those who were condemned had powers which were not given to others after them. They still assist men in sorceries.
XXXVIII. Nathaniel the angel of fire.
XLII. 10. The angel Phadahel.
LXIV. 6. When Samuel is raised up by the witch, two angels appear leading him.
Demons and Idols.
Of evil spirits hardly anything is said, but some space is devoted to descriptions of idols.
XIII. 8. Adam's wife was deceived by the serpent.
XXV. 9. "The demons of the idols."
9 seq. The idols and precious stones of the Amorites are dwelt upon.
XLIV. 5 seq. Micah's idols are described in terms which remind one slightly of the images in a sanctuary of Mithras. (See the note.)
XLV. 6. "The Lord said to the Adversary" (anticiminus, ὁ ἀντικείμενοσ). He is quite suddenly introduced, and without any explanation.
LIII. 3, 4. Eli wonders if an unclean spirit has deceived Samuel. If one hears two calls at night, it will be an evil spirit that is calling: three will mean an angel.
LXI. An evil spirit oppresses Saul.
Evil spirits were created after heaven and earth (on the Second Day) and are a secondary creation. They sprang from an echo in chaos: their abode was in "Tartarus."
A holy spirit is mentioned occasionally, but in rather vague terms.
XVIII. 3. Balaam says that the spirit (of prophecy) is given "for a time."
p. 40
11. "Little is left of that holy spirit which is in me."
XXVIII. 6. The holy spirit leapt upon Kenaz.
XXXII. 14. (Deborah addressing herself.) "Let the grace of the holy spirit in thee awake."
The character of God and His dealings with men are, naturally, illustrated in many passages, in some of which there is a strange lack of perception of what is worthy and befitting.
XII. 9. Moses says, "Thou art all light."
XXII. 3. "Light dwells with him."
XVI. 5. The sons of Korah say that God, not Korah, is their true father: if they walk in his ways, they will be his sons.
XVIII. 4. God knew what was in the world before he made it.
XXI. 2. He knows the mind of all generations before they are born (cf. L. 4).
XXVIII. 4. He willed that the world should be made and that they who should inhabit it should glorify him.
XXX. 6. God is life.
XXXV. 3. He will have mercy on Israel "not for your sakes, but because of them that sleep" (cf. XXXIX. 11 end).
5. Men look on glory and fame, God on uprightness of heart.
XXXVI. 4. God will not punish Gideon in this life, lest men should say "It is Baal who punishes him": he will chastise him after death.
XXXIX. 4. (LXII. 6.) If God forgives, why should not mortal man?
God, being God, has time to cast away his anger.
11. He is angry with Jephthah for his vow. "If a dog were the first to meet him, should a dog be offered to me? It shall fall upon his only child."
XLV. 6. Israel took no notice of Micah's idols;
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but is horrified at the Benjamite outrage: therefore God will allow Benjamin to defeat them, and will deceive them (cf. LXIII. 3).
XLVI. He deceives Israel, telling them to attack Benjamin.
XLVII. 3. If God had not sworn an oath to Phinehas, he would not hear him now.
LII. 4. He will not allow Eli's sons to repent, because aforetime they had said "When we grow old we will repent."
LXIV. 1. Saul put away the wizards in order to gain renown: so he shall be driven to resort to them.
Man, especially in relation to sin.
XIII. 8. Man lost Paradise by sin.
XIX. 9. What man hath not sinned? Who will be born without sin? Thou wilt correct us for a time, and not in wrath.
XXXII. 5. Esau was hated because of his deeds.
XXXVI. 1. The Midianites say, "Our sins are fulfilled, as our gods told us, and we believed them not."
LII. 3. Eli says to his sons: "Those whom you have wronged will pray for you if you reform."
LXIV. 8. Saul thinks that perhaps his fall may be an atonement for his sins.
The Messiah.
Dr. Cohn speaks of the Messianic hope of the writer, but I am myself unable to find any anticipation of a Messiah in our text. It is always God, and no subordinate agency, that is to "visit the world" and put all things right.
The word Christus occurs in two chapters: in LI. 6, and LIX. 1, 4, which refer to Saul or David.
There are two other puzzling passages, of which
p. 42
one inclines at first to say that the meaning is Messianic.
XXI. 6. Joshua says: "O Lord, lo, the days shall come when the house of Israel shall be likened to a brooding dove which setteth her young in the nest, and will not leave them or forget her place, like as also these, turning (conuersi) from their acts, shall fight against (or overcome) the salvation which shall be born of them (or is born to them)."
LI. 5. Hannah says: "But so doth all judgement endure, until he be revealed who holdeth it (qui tenet)." As, a few lines later, she says: "And these things remain so until they give a horn to his (or their) Anointed," which certainly refers to Saul; it is probable that Saul or David is meant in the present passage also. Nevertheless the resemblance between qui tenet and ὁ κατέχων of St. Paul (2 Thess. ii. 6, 7) is noteworthy.
Footnotes34:1 Which in some cases rather deserve the name of perversions. Great liberties are taken with them: a notable fact.
9. UNITY. CONTENTS.
9. I have not raised the question of the UNITY of the book. No one has as yet suggested that it is composite, and I am content to wait until, a theory is broached. That there are inconsistencies in it I do not deny (for instance, the story of Korah is told in two ways in XVI. and in LVII.), but they are not of a kind that suggest a plurality of writers. It may be that their presence here will furnish an argument against dissection of other books based on the existence of similar discrepancies.
As to the INTEGRITY of the text: We know that it is imperfect, and this matter will be discussed at a later stage.
The CONTENTS will be found summarized in a synopsis at the end of the Introduction.
10. RELATION TO OTHER LITERATURE.
10. THE RELATION OF PHILO TO OTHER BOOKS now comes up for consideration. The author's knowledge of the Old Testament literature is
p. 43
apparent on every page. There are obvious borrowings from all the books to the end of 2 Kings; of Chronicles he seems to be a definite imitator. He knows the story of job, and quotes a Psalm; he draws from Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel. With the Wisdom literature he has not much in common, and traces of the use of the Minor Prophets, of Ezra, Nehemiah, or Tobit, are hard to find, though I will not deny their presence. 1 If he lived, as I believe he did, near the end of the first century, we should naturally credit him with a knowledge of the whole Jewish canon.
It is more important to determine his relation to the apocryphal books—the literature to which he was himself a contributor. Four of these, Enoch, Jubilees, the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, and the Fourth Book of Esdras, afford interesting material.
(a) Certain affinities with the Book of Enoch are traceable in Philo. It is true that Enoch is not one of his heroes; in fact, he tells us no more of him than is found in Genesis, but I believe that the Book was known to him, though it is only in the first part of it that I find any striking parallels.
In the first place, his view of the stars and other heavenly bodies is like that of Enoch. They are sentient beings, who receive commands from God and move about to execute them. See the story of Sisera, and the hymn of Deborah, and compare in Enoch 6, etc., the punishment of the errant stars.
Again, a passage in Enoch (148) seems to be the model of some in Philo. "Behold, clouds called me in my vision, and mists cried to me, and runnings of stars and lightnings hastened me, and in the vision winds gave me wings and lifted me

188.}
p. 44
up." Compare Philo XI. 5: "The heavens were folded up, and the clouds drew up water… and the thunders and lightnings were multiplied, and the winds and tempests sounded; the stars were gathered together, and the angels ran before " (XIII. 7); "the winds shall sound and the lightnings run on," etc. (XV. 2); "the lightnings of the stars shone, and the thunders followed, sounding with them" (XXXII. 7); "the lightnings hasted to their courses, and the winds gave a sound out of their storehouses," etc. The phrase in Enoch 14 8, 10, 11 is διαδρομαὶ ἀστέρων καὶ ἀστραπαί. In 161 we have ὁ αἰὼν ὁ μέγασ, which may be the source of the immensurabilis mundus (seculum tempus) of Philo IX. 3, XXXII. 3, XXXIV. 2.
In Enoch 173, τόξον πυρὸσ καὶ βέλη. Philo XIX. 16, praecedebant eum fulgura et lampades et sagittae omnes unanimes.
Enoch 181, Εῖ᾽δον τοὺσ θησαυροὺσ τῶν ἀνέμων; cf. Philo XXXII. 7, above. The winds gave a sound out of their storehouses (promptuariis).
In Enoch 186seq. we hear something of precious stones which reminds us of those of Kenaz in Philo XXVI. seq.
The words of 212: "I saw neither heaven above nor earth founded, but a place imperfect and terrible" recall the vision of Kenaz in Philo XXVIII. 6 seq.
So also the description of the sweet plants of Paradise in Enoch 24 may have suggested the words of Moses in Philo XII. 9.
In Enoch 252 "to Visit the earth" has more than one parallel in Philo, e. g. XIX. 12, 13, visitare seculum, orbem: and Enoch 257 (Then I blessed the God of glory… who hath prepared such things for righteous men, etc.) is like Philo XXVI. 6: Blessed be God who hath wrought such signs for
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the sons of men, and 14: Lo, how great good things God hath wrought for men.
(b) The Book of Jubilees is perhaps most nearly comparable to Philo, in that it follows the form of a chronicle of Bible history. Its spirit and plan are, to be sure, wholly different; it is regulated by a strict system of chronology, and its chief interest is in the ceremonial law. It is also far earlier in date, belonging to the last years of the second century B.C.
Our author has read Jubilees, and to a certain extent supplements it in the portions which are common to both books. Thus Jubilees supplies us with the names of the wives of the early patriarchs: Philo omits these, but gives the names of their sons and daughters. It is true that he gives other names for the daughters of Adam, and that in the one case in which he supplies the name of a wife he also differs from Jubilees: with him Cain's wife is Themech, in Jubilees it is Awân (daughter of Adam and sister of Cain, which Philo may have wished to disguise). In the same way Philo devotes much space to the names and number of the grandsons of Noah and their families, which are wanting in Jubilees; and whereas Jubilees gives full geographical details of the provinces which fell to Shem, Ham and Japhet, Philo indulges only in a series of bare names of places, now for the most part hopelessly corrupt. There is a small and seemingly intentional contradiction of Jubilees in this part of his history: Jubilees118, says that Serug taught Nahor to divine, and worshipped idols. Philo agrees that divination began in the days of Terah and Nahor, but adds that Serug and his sons did not join in it, or in idolatry.
Then, whereas the bulk of Jubilees is occupied with the lives of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Philop. 46
tells in detail one episode—the rescue of Abram from the fire—which Jubilees omits, and passes over the rest of the period in a single page. Anything else that he has to say about Abraham and the rest is introduced into the speeches of later personages (Joshua, Deborah, etc.) by way of illustration. The two books agree in giving the names of the seventy souls who went down into Egypt.
All this seems to me to show a consciousness of Jubilees, and an intentional avoidance, in the main, of the ground traversed by that book. Very rarely is there any coincidence of thought, but two possible examples can be cited. Philo has surprisingly little to say about Satan or evil spirits, as we have seen: but suddenly (in XLV. 6) he says: Et dixit Dominus ad anticiminum: And the Lord said to the Adversary. This must surely be the equivalent of the "prince Mastema" whom we meet so frequently in Jubilees. There is also a difficult passage (XIII. 8) which may go back to Jubilees. God is speaking to Moses, and says: "And the nights shall yield their dew, as I spake after the flood of the earth, at that time when I commanded him (or Then he commanded him) concerning the year of the life of Noah, and said to him: These are the years which I ordained," etc. The words, which may be corrupt, at least remind me of the stress laid in Jubilees 6, upon the yearly feast that is to be kept by Noah after the Flood.
Upon the whole Philo's knowledge of Jubilees is to be inferred rather from what he does not say than from what he does.
(c) The Syriac APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH has, as I have elsewhere shown (JTS 1915, 403), certain very marked resemblances to Philo. It will be
p. 47
right to repeat and expand the list of them here. We will take the passages in the order in which they appear in the Apocalypse, in Dr. R. H. Charles's last translation (Pseudepigrapha of O.T.).


Bar. IV. 3. The building now built in your midst is not that which is revealed with Me, that which was prepared beforehand here from the time when I took counsel to make Paradise and shewed it to Adam before he sinned, but when he transgressed the commandment it was removed from him, as also Paradise.
Ph. XIII. 8. And he said: This is the place which I showed the first-made man, saying: If thou transgress not that which I have commanded thee, all things shall be subject unto thee. But he transgressed my ways… . And the Lord further shewed him (Moses) the ways of Paradise, and said to him: These are the ways which men have lost because they walked not in them.
XXVI. 6. Kenaz says: Blessed be God who hath wrought such marvels for the sons of men, and made the protoplast Adam and shewed him all things, that when Adam had sinned therein, then, he should deprive him of all things…


IV. 4. And after these things I shewed it to my servant Abraham by night among the portions of the victims.

XXIII. 6. (of Abraham) And sent a sleep upon him and compassed him about with fear, and set before him the place of fire wherein the deeds of them that work wickedness against me shall be expiated, etc.

IV. 5. And again also I shewed it to Moses on Mount Sinai when I shewed to him the likeness of the tabernacle and all its vessels.

XI. 15. (on Sinai) He charged him concerning the tabernacle and the ark… and the candlesticks and the laver and the base, and the breastplate and the oracle and the precious stones, and shewed him the likeness of them.
p. 48

 

XIX. 10. (on Pisgah) He shewed him the place whence the manna rained upon the people, even up to the paths of paradise; and he shewed him the manner of the sanctuary and the number of the offerings ... (See also XIII. 8 above.)

V. 5. Jabish, an unknown person, summoned with others by Baruch.

XXVIII. 1. Kenaz summons the prophets Jabis and Phinees.

VI. 7. The forty-eight precious stones.

See below, p. 64.

X. Baruch's lamentation generally resembles that of Jephthah's daughter.

XL. 5.

X. 11. And do ye, O heavens, withhold your dew and open not the treasures of rain.

XLIV. 10. I will command the heaven, and it shall deny them rain.
XI. 9. I will command the heaven, and it shall give its rain.
XIII. 7. The nights shall yield their dew.
XXIII. 12. I will command the rain and the dew.
XXXII. 7. the storehouses of the wind.
XV. 5. the treasuries of darkness.

XI. 4. The righteous sleep in the earth in tranquillity.

III. 10. I will raise up them that sleep from the earth.

XXI. 24. Abraham, etc., who sleep in the earth.

XI. 6. I will recompense the sins of them that sleep.
XIX. 12. I will raise up thee and thy fathers from the earth (of Egypt intrusive) wherein ye shall sleep.
XXXV. 3. because of them that are fallen asleep.
LI. 5. when the righteous shall fall asleep, then shall they be delivered.
p. 49

XI. 6, 7. That ye might go and announce in Sheol and say to the dead: Blessed are ye more than we who live.

XXIV. 6. Who shall go and tell the righteous Moses (that Joshua is dead)?
XXXI. 7. (To Sisera) Go and boast thyself to thy father in hell.
XXXII. 13. Go, ye angels, tell the fathers in the treasuries of souls.
LXI. 6. (To Goliath) then shall ye tell your mother (after death).

XV. 5. Unless he had accepted my law.

Emphasized in XLIV. 6 seq. (Cf. XI. 2).

XVII. 4. brought the law to the seed of Jacob and lighted a lamp for the nation of Israel (cf. LIX.).

IX. 8. I will light for (Moses) my lamp.
XV. 6. I came down to light a lamp for my people.

LIX. 2. the lamp of the eternal law.

XIX. 4. kindling among you an eternal lamp.
Besides repeated references to the Law as a light.

XIX. 1. (Moses) called heaven and earth to witness against them; also LXXXIV. 2.

Occurs 4 times, of Moses (twice), Joshua, Jonathan.

XX. 1. The times shall hasten more than the former, and the seasons shall speed on… the years shall pass more quickly.
LIV. 1. Thou dost hasten the beginnings of the times.
LXXXIII. 1. The most High will assuredly hasten his times and… bring on his hours.

XIX. 13. When I shall draw near to visit the world, I will command the times and they shall be shortened, and the stars shall be hastened, and the light of the sun shall make haste to set, etc.

XX. 2. That I may the more speedily visit the world in its season.

XIX. 12. Until I visit the world.
(See also III. 10, XXVI. 12, XLVIII. 1.)

XXI. 23. Let Sheol be sealed, so that from this time forward it may not receive the dead, and let the treasuries p. 50 of souls restore those which are enclosed in them (Cf. XXX. 2).

III. 10. Hell shall pay its debt and destruction restore its deposit… hell shall shut its mouth.
p. 50 XXXIII. 3. Death is now sealed up.
p. 50

XLII. 7, 8. the dust shall be called, and there shall be said to it: Give back that which is not thine, and raise up all that thou hast kept until this time (cf. L. 2).

Hell will not restore its deposit unless it be required of him who gave it.

 

XXI. 9. our fathers in the hidden places of souls.
XXXII. 13. the fathers in the treasuries of their souls.

XXV. 4. The Mighty one doth no longer remember the earth.
XXVIII. 2. The measure and reckoning of that time are two parts a week of seven weeks.

XXVI. 13. until I remember the world.
The phrase occurs at least five times.
(See the Note on Ph. XIX. 15.)

XXIX. 8. the treasury of manna shall again descend from on high.

XIX. 10. the place whence the manna rained upon the people.

XXX. 4. the souls of the wicked… shall then waste away the more.

XVI. 3. Korah shall pine away until I remember the world.
XLIV. Micah's mother is to waste away in his sight. So also Doeg LXIII. 4.

XLIV. 15. the dwelling of the rest who are many shall be in the fire.

XXXVIII. 4. (of Jair) in the fire wherein thou shalt die, therein shalt thou have thy dwelling-place.

LXIV. 7. (Manasseh) finally his abode was in the fire.

 

 

LXIII. 4. (of Doeg) his dwelling shall be with Jair in unquenchable fire for ever.

L. 3, 4. it will be necessary to show to the living that the dead have come to life again… and… when they have severally recognized those whom they now know.

XXIII. 1. until I restore you to the fathers and the fathers to you.
LXII. 9. (Jonathan) Even if death part us, I know that our souls will recognize each other.
p. 51

LI. 11. the armies of the angels.
militiae, of angels, occurs five times.


LIV. 1. the inhabitants of the earth.

one of Philo's most frequent catchwords.

5. thou breakest up the enclosure (of the ignorant).

XXXIII. 6. Deborah closed up the hedge of her generation.

9. What am I amongst men?

Cf. Gideon XXXV. 5, Saul LVI. 6.

11. I will not be silent in praising.

Cf. Deborah and Hannah.

LV. 3. Ramiel who presides over true visions.

XVIII. 6. the angel who was over the praises.
XXVII, 10. Gethel set over hidden things. Zeruel, over strength (LXI. 5).
XXXIV. 2. angels are sorcerers.
XXXVIII. 3. Nathaniel who is over fire.

LVI. 6. The list of disasters that followed the Fall is much in Philo's manner.

 

LIX. 2. The law which announced to them that believe the promise of their reward, and to them that deny, the torment of fire which is reserved for them.

XXIII. 6. I set before (Abraham) the place of fire wherein the deeds of them that work wickedness against me shall be expiated, and showed him the torches of fire whereby the righteous that have believed in me shall be enlightened.

3. but also the heavens at that time were shaken from their place.

XI. 5. at Sinai. The heavens were folded up. I bared the heavens (XV. 6), XXIII. 10. I stopped the courses of the stars, etc. There are several lists of the portents which accompanied the giving of the law.

4-11. He showed him the pattern of Zion and its measures, "the measures of the fire, the number of the drops of rain," etc., c.
p. 52 4-11. The greatness of Paradise… the number of the offerings.

XIX. 10. He showed him the place whence the clouds draw up water, the place whence the river takes its watering the place p. 52 whence the manna rained… up to the paths of Paradise… the measures of the sanctuary and the number of the offerings.
p. 52

The splendour of the lightnings.

Very frequent in Philo.

LX. 1. The works which the Amorites wrought and the spells of the incantations which they wrought, and the wickedness of their mysteries. 1

XXV. 10. seq. The Amorites figure as great idolaters in the story of Kenaz the first judge: their idols are called the holy Nymphs. The episode of Kenaz is almost the longest in Philo.
XXXIV. A wizard Aod came from Midian who sacrificed to fallen angels, and made the sun appear at night and seduced Israel.

2. But even Israel was then polluted by sins in the days of the Judges, though they saw many signs which were from Him who made them.

 

LXVI. 2. Josiah removed the magicians and enchanters and necromancers from the land.

LXIV. 1. Saul said: I will surely remove the wizards out of the land of Israel (though for unworthy motives).

LXXI. 1. The holy land will… protect its inhabiters at that time.

Compare the statement (VII. 4) that the holy land was not touched by the Flood.

LXXVI. 2. Baruch is to be taken up (cf. XIII. 3; XXV. 1) and is to go up into a certain mountain, and the whole world will be shown to him. (See on LIX.)

XLVIII. Phinehas is to go and live in a named mountain till be has fulfilled his destiny in the person of Elijah and then is to be taken up into the place where those before him have p. 53 been taken up. These "priores tui" are the "others like thee" who are mentioned in Bar. II. 1; XIII. 5; (LVII.; LIX. 1); XXI. 24; LXVI. 7.
p. 53

LXXVII. 6. if ye direct your ways.

At least five times.

13. shepherds of Israel.

XIX. 3. Of Moses.

20. he sends a letter by an eagle.

XLVIII. An eagle is to feed Phinehas.

25. Solomon's mastery over birds.

LX. 3. David predicts Solomon's mastery over evil spirits.

LXXXII. 3-5. The Gentiles will be like a vapour ... like a drop… as spittle.

VII. 3; XII. 4. like a drop and like spittle.

9. as a passing cloud.

XIX. 13. like a running cloud.

LXXXIV. 4. after Moses' death ye cast them (the precepts) away from you.

XXX. 5. Moses (and others) commanded you… while they lived ye shewed yourselves servants of God; but when they died, your heart died also.

7. (let this epistle) be for a testimony between me and you.

At least nine times.

10. that he may not reckon the multitude of your sins, but remember the rectitude of your fathers.

XXXV. 3. God will have mercy, not for your sakes, but because of those that have fallen asleep (cf. XXXIX. 11).

11. for if He judge us not according to the multitude of His mercies, woe unto all us who are born.

XIX. 9. What man hath not sinned against thee? How shall thine heritage be stablished if thou have not compassion, etc.
XXVIII. 5. Is it not he that shall spare us according to the abundance of His mercy (cf. XXXIX. 7; LV. 2).
p. 54

LXXXV. 9. That we may rest with our fathers.

XXVIII. 10. The rest of the righteous after they are dead.

12. There will be no place… for prayer… nor intercessions of the fathers, nor prayer of the prophets, nor help of the righteous.

XXXIII. 5. While a man yet liveth he can pray for himself and for his sons, but after the end he will not be able to pray… Put not your trust therefore in your fathers.


 
It will be seen that these resemblances (not all of which, of course, are supposed by me to be equally strong) are scattered over the whole text of Baruch. To me they seem to constitute one among a good many weighty arguments against the hypothesis that Baruch is a composite work but this is not the place to discuss that matter.
(d) We will examine 4 ESDRAS in the same fashion, only here it will be better to cite the Latin of both texts. We must keep in mind the difference between coincidences of vocabulary and parallels in matter. The versions of the two books are extraordinarily alike in their Latinity. One is tempted to say that they are by the same hand; but it will be safer to regard them as products of the same school and age.


4 Esdr. III. 13. Et factum est cum iniquitatem facerent coram te, elegisti ex his unum (Abraham)… et demonstrasti ei temporum finem solo secrete noctu et disposuisti ei testamentum aeternum et dixisti et ut non unquam derelinqueres semen eius.
Philo XXIII. 5. Et cum seducerentur habitantes terram singuli quique post praesumptiones suas credidit Abraham mihi… et dixi ei in uisu dicens: semini tuo dabo terram hanc.
VII. 4. Et ante onmes hos eligam puerum meum Abram… et disponam testamentum meum cum eo, etc.


17. Et adduxisti eos super montem Sina.

XV. 3. et adduxi eos sub montem Sina.
p. 55 XXIII. 10. et adduxi eos in conspectu meo usque ad montem Sina.
XXXII. 7. et duxit in montem Sina.
p. 55

18. et inclinasti coelos.

XV. 3; XXIII. 10. et inclinaui coelos.

et statuisti terram et commouisti orbem et tremere fecisti abyssos et conturbasti saeculum.

XXIII. 10. mouebantur in descensu meo omnia… obturaui uenas abyssi.
XXXII. 7. terra mota est de firmamento suo et tremuerunt montes et rupes, etc.

22. permanens. 24. oblationes. 27. tradidisti ciuitatem.

All very common words in Philo.

34. pondera in statera.

XL. 1. quis dabit cor meum in statera et animam meam in pondere.

momentum puncti.

XIX. 14. momenti plenitudo.

IV. 7. quantae uenae sunt in principio abyssi.

uena five to six times; abyssus nine times.

exitus paradisi.

uiae, semitae paradisi XIII. 9; XIX. 10.

12. (and elsewhere) melius erat nos… quam.

At least seven times.

16. factus est in uano.

Fourteen times.

18. incipiebas (iustificare) = μέλλειν.

Three times at least.

35. animae iustorum in promptuariis suis.

XXXII. 13. patribus in promptuariis animarum eorum.

42. festinant reddere ea quae commendata sunt.

III. 10. reddet infernus debitum suum et perditio restituet paratecem suam.
XXXIII. 3. mensura et tempus et anni reddiderunt depositum tuum infernus accipiens sibi deposita non restituet nisi reposcetur ab eo qui deposuit ei.

44. si possibile est et si idoneus sum.

LIII. 7. si possibilis sum.
p. 56

si plus quam praeteriit habet uenire, etc.

XIX. 14. quanta quantitas temporis transiit, etc.?…

IV. 50. superhabundauit quae transiuit mensura; superauerunt autem guttae et fumus.

cyathi guttum, et omnia compleuit tempus. Quatuor enim semis transierunt et duae semis supersunt.

V. 4. relucescet sol noctu.

XXXIV. Nunquid aliquando uidistis solem noctu?… ostendit populis solem noctu.

12. non dirigentur uiae eorum.

Frequent.

16. quare uultus tuus tristis.

L. 3. quare tristis es, etc.

18. pastor.

XIX. 3. of Moses.

23. elegisti uineam unam (also IX. 21).

Israel as vine or vineyard occurs six times.

26. columbam.

Israel as dove thrice.

29. sponsionibus.

Seven times.

42. adsimilabo.

Very common.

VI. 2. coruscuum.

Six times in varying forms (coruscus -atio -ans).

3. militiae (angelorum).

Five times.

8-10. manus Jacob tenebat calcaneum Esau, etc.

XIX. 13. apex ma(g)nus remains.

16. finem eorum oportet commutari.

XXVIII. 9. cum completum fuerit tempus… pausabit uena et sic mutabuntur.

VI. 18. quando adpropinquare incipio ut uisitem habitantes in terra.

XIX. 13. cum appropinquauero uisitare orbem.

IX 2. uisitare saeculum.

12. donec uisitem seculum.
XXVI. 13. et uisitabo habitantes terram.

VI. 26. qui recepti sunt homines qui mortem non gustauerunt.

XLVIII. eleuaberis… ubi eleuati sunt priores tui… et adducam uos et gustabitis quod est mortis.

39. tenebrae circumferebantur et silentium.

LX. 2. Tenebrae et silentium erant antequam fieret seculum.

41. ut pars quidem sursum recederet, pars uero deorsum maneret.

Both the song of David and the vision of Kenaz (XX VIII.) dwell on the division of the firmaments.
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42. imperasti aquis congregari, etc.

XV. 6. nihil simile factum est uerbo huic ex qua die dixi congregentur aquae sub caelo, etc.

56. gentes saliuae adsimilatae sunt, et sicut stillicidium de urceo.

VII. 3. et tanquam stillicidium arbitrabor eos et in scuto (sputo) approximabo eos.
XII. 4. erit mihi hominum genus tanquam stillicidium urcei et tanquam sputum aestimabitur.

VII. 32. terra reddet qui in ea dormiunt.

III. 10. erigam dormientes de terra.
XIX. 12. excitabo te et patres tuos de terra [Aegypti] in qua dormietis, etc.

74. non propter eos, sed.

About five times.

75. creaturam renouare.

XVI. 3. ero innouans terram (cf. III. 10).
XXXII. 17. ut in innouatione creaturae.

87. detabescent… marcescent.

XVI. Korah, etc., tabescent.
XLIV. Micah's mother, erit marcescens.

92. cum eis plasmatum cogitamentum malum.

XXXIII. 3. plasmatio iniqua perdet potestatem suam.

102. etc. Si iusti impios excusare poterint, etc.

5. Adhuc uiuens homo potest orare… post finem autem non poterit, etc.

VIII. 15. tu magis scis.

tu plus scis, tu prae omnibus scis two or three times.

53. Radix signata est a uobis.

XXXIII. 3. signata est iam mors.

IX. 22. cum multo labore perfeci haec.

XXVIII. 4. tu uidisti… quantum laborauerim populo meo: also XIX. 5.

XII. 20. anni citati.

XIX. 13. iubebo annis… et breuiabuntur.

XIII. 26. liberabit creaturam suam.

LI. 5. cum dormierint iusti tunc liberabuntur.

52. scire quid sit in profundo maris.

XXI. 2. tu scis… quid agat cor maris (cf. XXIX. 4)
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53. inluminatus es.

Twelve times in this sense.

XIV. 3. Reuelans reuelatus sum super rubum.

LIII. 8. Illuminans illuminaui domum Israel.

et locutus sum Moysi.

et elegi tunc mihi prophetam Mosen.

et adduxi eum super montem Sina.

See above on III. 17.

et detinui eum apud me… et enarraui ei mirabilia et ostendi ei temporum finem.

Cf. XIII. and XIX. quoted above on Bar. LIX. 4.

9. Tu enim recipieris ab hominibus et conuerteris… cum similibus tuis.

XLVIII. non descendes iam ad homines…
eleuaberis in locum ubi eleuati sunt priores tui.
In the later chapters of Esdras, which are taken up with visions, we—perhaps naturally—find fewer parallels than in the earlier.
Other instances of words and phrases common to the two books, which are stylistic rather than anything else, are—
Ecce dies uenient, qui inhabitant terram, sensus, delere orbis, sustinere, adinuentio, renuntiare, in nouissimis temporibus, odoramentum, in nihilum deputare, requietio, aeramentum, corruptibilis, plasmare, uiuificare, mortificare, conturbare, exterminare, humiliare, fructus uentris, apponere or adicere (loqui, etc.), oblatio, pessimus in the positive sense, a minimo usque ad maximum, expugnare, scintilla.
With the Assumption of Moses I find no community of ideas. Moses' intercession for the people and Joshua's lament are rather like those of the people over Joshua and Deborah. But Philo discards the story of the Assumption proper. Nor do I find illustrative matter in the Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs.
My general conclusion is that Philo is a product of the circle from which both Baruch and 4 Esdras emanated: and it seems to me clear that the writer of Baruch at least was acquainted with Philo. Let it be noted once more that a feature common to all three books is a remarkable want of
p. 59
interest in the subject of Satan and evil spirits: Esdras never mentions them, Baruch very seldom, Philo rather oftener, but not often, and always vaguely.
(e) What points of contact are there, it will be asked, between Philo and the NEW TESTAMENT?
My answer is that there are not many direct resemblances. There are a few coincidences of language, and one or two illustrations of beliefs. That the author, living at the date to which I assign him, was conscious of the existence of Christianity, I do not doubt: whether he allows his consciousness to find expression in his book, I do doubt. He is not a speculative theologian or a controversialist; he sticks very close to the language of the Old Testament, and steers clear of disputed questions. I see no veiled polemic in his stories of the idolatry under Kenaz, or of Aod the Magician and Micah. The persecution under Jair may very well be an imitation of the Maccabæan martyrdoms, or of the story of the Three Children. The stress laid on the eternity of the Law may as well be a prophylactic against heathenism as against Christianity. Paganism is, I think, a more formidable adversary in his eyes than heresy.
The tradition of the "rock that followed them" (X. 7, XI. 15: see the notes) and of the identity of Phinehas with Elijah (XLVIII.) are the chief that bear on New Testament thought. With reference to the latter it should be noted that the words of St. Mark (ix. 13), "as it is written of him," are specially interesting, as showing that Elijah upon his return to earth was to suffer death (in which Philo agrees), and that there was written teaching to that effect.
Among coincidences of language I reckon: new heavens and earth, III. 10; they that sleep, ibid. and elsewhere;
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justified, ibid.; fiat uoluntas dei, VI. ii; that which shall be born of thee, IX. 10; I will judge all the world, XI. 2; the law shall not pass away, XI. 5; Thou art all light, XII. 9; we shall be the sons of God, XVI. 5; gnashing of teeth, XVIII. 12; the end of the world, XIX. 4, etc.; uerbum (dei) uiuum, XXI. 4; God which knowest before the hearts of all men, XXII. 7 (Acts i. 24); eye hath not seen, etc., XXVI. 13; the righteous have no need of the light of the sun, etc., XXVI. 13; qui tenet (cf. ὁ κατέχων, 2 Thess. ii. 6, 7), LI. 5; lumen genti huic, LI. 6.
Footnotes43:1 Esther and Judith seem to be quoted, pp. 173, 
52:1 I see that this parallel is noticed by a writer in the Jewish Encyclopædia, s. v. Amorites. He quotes Philo through the medium of Jerahmeel only.
11. EXTENT OF THE COMPLETE BOOK: THE LOST CONCLUSION DISCUSSED.
11. A question remains to be discussed, for answered it can hardly be unless fresh manuscript evidence comes to hand. It is this: How far did Philo carry on his narrative, and are there any traces of the lost conclusion?
There are certain anticipations in our text which, it is reasonable to suppose, were fulfilled. We can predict with confidence that Edab the son of Agag, who appears in the last few lines as the slayer of Saul, will be killed (as in 2 Sam. 1.), with appropriate denunciation. Again, there is a sensational story of the slaying of Ishbi-benob by David and Abishai (Talmud, Tract Sanhedr., f. 45, ap. Eisenmenger, I. 413), in which Abishai kills Orpah the mother of the giant, and eventually David says to Ishbi, "Go, seek thy mother in the grave," whereat he falls. Now, in Philo (LXI. 6) David reminds Goliath that Orpah was his mother, and says to him, "After thy death thy three brethren also will fall into my hands, and then shall ye say unto your mother: He that was born of thy sister (Ruth) did not spare us." I see a foreshadowing here of another tale of giants slain by David. Further, David in his song before Saul (LX.) predicts the mastery over evil spirits that will be attained by Solomon; and elsewhere the writer, in his own person, names Solomon, and speaks of his building the Temple (XXII. 9). The allusion to
p. 61[paragraph continues] Solomon and the demons, though unmistakable, is veiled, and, if I may judge from Philo's usual practice, would have received an explanation, accompanied by a reference back to David's song: Nonne haec sunt uerba quae locutus est pater tuus, etc. Another possible instance of foreshadowing is this: Phinehas (XLVIII.), when he has reached the term of 120 years, is commanded to go up into the Mount Danaben and dwell there. In years to come the heavens will be shut at his prayer, and opened again, and then he will be "taken up," and in a yet more remote future will taste of death. In other words, he will be Elijah. I do not think this obscure prediction would have been left hanging in the air: in some form it would have received interpretation. I imagine, therefore, that the story of Elijah (and Elisha) was told in the book. I hardly know if one can fairly adduce here the fact that in an old treatise called Inuentiones Nominum (printed by me in JTS, 1903) some names are given of personages belonging to that period who are anonymous in the Bible. Thus, Abisaac is the 'little maid" of 2 Kings v., Meneria is the Shunamite, and Phua the woman who devoured her child in the siege of Samaria. I lay no stress on this suggestion, for other names are given in the same document which disagree with those in Philo. Still, those I have cited did come from some written source of similar character. 1
Here is another curious phenomenon. In the Apostolic Constitutions (II. 22, 23) the whole story of Manasseh is quoted in a text avowedly compounded from 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles, with the addition of the Prayer and deliverance of Manasseh,
p. 62
which are non-Biblical, and after a short interval the story of Amon is given, with a spurious insertion to this effect: "Amon said, 'My father did very wickedly from his youth, and repented in his old age. Now therefore I will walk as my soul listeth, and afterward I will return to the Lord.'" just so, in Philo LII. 4, when Eli said to Hophni and Phinehas, "Repent of your wicked ways," they said, "When we are grown old we will repent": and therefore God would not grant them repentance. The resemblance is arresting. The consideration of it suggests the question whether this of Amon and the Prayer of Manasseh and the story of his deliverance can be excerpts from Philo. So far as the Prayer is concerned I cannot think it likely, for that composition is not in our author's manner, and is not believed to be a translation from Hebrew. And, if the Prayer is not from Philo, we need not unnecessarily multiply the authorities used by Const. Ap.
For all that, the story of Manasseh and his deliverance may have been told in Philo: the form of it which appears in the Apocalypse of Baruch (64) rather suggests to me that it was. The Apocalyptist uses Philonic language when he says of Manasseh that "his abode was in the fire"; and, further, he does not account Manasseh's repentance to have been genuine or final, and in this—if I read my author rightly—he writes in the Philonic spirit: for Philo, if he is willing to dwell on the repentance and reform of Israel as a whole, seems to take pleasure in recording the apostasies and transgressions of individuals who do not repent—the sinners under Kenaz, Jair, Gideon, Micah, Doeg.
When Saul protests to Samuel that he is too obscure to be made King, Samuel says (LVI. 6):
p. 63[paragraph continues] "Your words will be like those of a prophet yet to come who will be called Jeremiah." This odd prediction is modelled, I suppose, upon the mention of Josiah in 1 Kings 132, and is comparable to Hannah's quotation of a psalm by Asaph (LI. 6). That the fulfilment of it was mentioned is likely enough, but by no means necessary.
Lastly, a phrase in the story of Kenaz demands notice. When God gives him the new set of twelve precious stones to replace certain others that had been destroyed, He says (XXVI. 12) that they are to be placed in the ark, and to be there "until Jahel shall arise to build an house in my name, and then he shall set them before me upon the two cherubim… and when the sins of my people are fulfilled, and their enemies begin to prevail over their house, I will take those stones and the former ones (i.e. those already in the priest's breastplate) and put them back in the place whence they were brought, and there shall they be until I remember the world and visit them that dwell on the earth… . And Kenaz placed them in the ark… and they are there unto this day."
Apart from the mention of Jahel (by whom Solomon is meant, but why so called I know not) this is rather a perplexing passage. Taken as it stands, it ought to mean that the temple, or at least the ark, was extant at the supposed date of the writer, i.e. that the story was not carried down as far as the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; which, on general grounds, one would select as a likely point for the conclusion. We must however, remember the legend that the ark and its contents were preserved and hidden by Jeremiah or by an angel (2 Macc. 2. Apoc. Bar. 64) . Besides, Philo elsewhere says (XXII. 9)
p. 64
that in the new sanctuary which was at Gilgal, "Joshua appointed unto this day (usque in hodiernum diem)" the yearly sacrifices of Israel, and that until the temple was built sacrifice at the other place was lawful. We cannot, then, press his use of the phrase "unto this day"; yet if it be insisted upon, there is a detail in Baruch (67) which may throw some light on Philo's meaning. Baruch says that the angel took, among other things, "the forty-eight precious stones wherewith the priest was adorned" and committed them to the guardianship of the earth. No one offers any reason for the mention of forty-eight (instead of twelve) stones, and though only twelve more figure in the story of Kenaz, I think it not unreasonable to suggest that here as elsewhere the Apocalyptist has our text in his mind, and that a belief in the legend of the hidden ark was common to both.
The sketch of Israel's history contained in Apoc. Bar. 56-67 (a section which shows many resemblances to Philo), with its alternations of righteousness and sin, gives, to my mind, a very fair idea of what Philo may have comprised when it was complete. We begin with the sin of Adam and of the angels: both are alluded to more than once in Philo. Then we have Abraham (important in Philo), the wickedness of the Gentiles, and especially of the Egyptians (not emphasized in Philo), the ages of Moses and Joshua (treated at length), the sorceries of the Amorites under the Judges (dwelt on at great length), the age of David and Solomon (Philo breaks off in David), the times of Jeroboam and Jezebel and the captivity of the nine and a half tribes, the reign of Hezekiah, the wickedness of Manasseh, the reforms of Josiah, the destruction by Nebuchadnezzar. Baruch then continues the history to the Messianic kingdom
p. 65
and the final triumph of right, of which Philo speaks only in general terms, though it may have developed clearer views as it proceeded. For the present, my conjecture is that Philo ended with the Babylonian captivity, and not without an anticipation of the Return. 1Footnotes61:1 Another book which deserves consideration in this connexion is the Lives of the Prophets, attributed to Epiphanius.
65:1 But see the Additional Note, p. 73.
12. CONCLUSION. CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT EDITION.
12. I fear that we cannot regard the writer of Philo as a man of very lofty mind or of great literary talent. He has some imagination, and is sensible of the majesty of the Old Testament literature, but he has not the insight, the power, or the earnestness of the author of 4 Esdras, nor again the ethical perception of him who wrote the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. From this point of view the obscurity which has hung over his book is not undeserved. Nevertheless it is a source by no means to be neglected by the student of Christian origins and of Jewish thought, and for that reason I have suggested that it should find a place in this series of translations.
I hope that the pretensions of this edition will not be misconceived. It is not a critical edition in the sense that it presents all the variants of all the authorities and lays the whole body of evidence before the reader. Such a presentation would only be possible if the text as well as the translation were included in this volume. (I do not myself, let me say in passing, believe that the result of a complete statement of various readings would differ very importantly from what the reader now has before him, seeing that the text depends upon a single thread of tradition.) Nor, again, will every available illustrative passage be found in such notes as I have written on the subject matter in Rabbinic literature especially it should be possible to find many more parallels. Notes of
p. 66
a linguistic kind, too, are out of place where a translation only is in question. Neither has every Biblical allusion been marked: as a rule, the reader who knows his Bible will easily recognize the phrases which the author weaves together often deftly enough. Besides these omissions, larger problems remain unsolved. There are not a few unhealed places in the text, and there are some whole episodes of which the bearing is very obscure.
On the other hand, I may claim that account has here been taken for the first time of a fairly representative selection of the authorities for the text, and that the relation of the book to some, at least, of its fellows has been elucidated; and I hope that the translation, in which I have followed as closely as possible the language of the Authorised Version (though I have kept the Latin forms of the proper names), may be found readable.
I have, further, provided a means of referring to passages in the text by a division into chapters and verses, or sections, which I think must prove useful. Something of the kind was much needed, for it has hitherto only been possible to cite by the pages of one or other of the sixteenth-century editions. My division is of course applicable to any future edition.
The present volume is, then, a step in the direction of a critical edition, but only a step. Like the first editor, Sichardus, I recognize its defects (or some of them) and should welcome the opportunity, if it ever came, of producing an improved form of the original text. As it is the kindness of the Society under whose auspices the book appears allows me to include in it a selection of the most important readings and some particulars of the Latinity of the original. For this indulgence my readers, as well as myself, will assuredly be grateful.
p. 6713. SYNOPSIS OF THE CONTENTS.
CHAPTER
I. Genealogy from Adam to Noah, with the names of the sons and daughters of the early patriarchs.
II. Genealogy from Cain to Lamech; the names of Cain's cities, short accounts of Jubal and Tubal, and the song of Lamech.
III. The Flood and the covenant with Noah, mainly in the words of Genesis, but with the addition of two important speeches of God.
IV. The descendants of Shem, Ham and Japhet, and the territories occupied by them. The genealogy continued to Abraham. In this occur accounts of the first appearing of the rainbow, the prophecy of Milcah, and the beginning of divination.
V. The review and census of the descendants of Noah.
VI. The Tower of Babel begun. Abraham's rescue from the fire.
VII. Destruction of the Tower, and dispersion of the builders.
VIII. The genealogy from Abraham to the going down into Egypt. The names of Job's children.
IX. The oppression in Egypt. Amram refuses to separate from his wife. Miriam's vision. The birth of Moses.
X. The plagues, the crossing of the Red Sea. Israel in the desert.
p. 68
XI. The giving of the Law. The Decalogue.
XII. The Golden Calf.
XIII. The Tabernacle, and the institution of certain Feasts.
XIV. The numbering of the people.
XV. The spies.
XVI. Korah.
XVII. Aaron's Rod.
XVIII. Balaam.
XIX. The farewell and death of Moses.
XX. Joshua succeeds him. The spies sent to Jericho. Withdrawal of the manna, pillar of cloud, and fountain.
XXI. Joshua warned of his end: his prayer: he writes the Law upon stones and builds an altar.
XXII. The altar built by the tribes beyond Jordan. The sanctuary at Shiloh.
XXIII. Joshua's last speech, with the story of Abraham's vision and of the giving of the Law.
XXIV. His farewell and death.
XXV. Kenaz (Cenez) elected ruler by lot. Detection by the lot of sinners among the tribes. Their confessions: account of the Amorite idols.
XXVI. God directs the disposal of the accursed objects: the sinners are burned.
The commands of God are carried out: account of the twelve precious stones.
XXVII. Kenaz's victory, single-handed, over the Amorites.
p. 69
XXVIII. His last days: the speech of Phinehas: vision and death of Kenaz.
XXIX. Zebul succeeds: an inheritance given to the daughters of Kenaz: a sacred treasury founded: death of Zebul.
XXX. Israel oppressed by Sisera. Deborah's speech.
XXXI. The stars fight against Sisera: his death.
XXXII. Deborah's hymn, with the description of the sacrifice of Isaac and the giving of the Law.
XXXIII. Last words and death of Deborah.
XXXIV. Aod, the wizard of Midian, seduces Israel by his sorceries.
XXXV. The call of Gideon.
XXXVI. He defeats Midian: his sin and death.
XXXVII. Abimelech succeeds. [Gap in the text.] Parable of the trees. Death of Abimelech. [Gap in the text.]
XXXVIII. Jair apostatizes and is destroyed by fire.
XXXIX. Israel oppressed by Ammon. Jephthah is persuaded to help. His negotiations with Getal, King of Ammon: his vow: God's anger.
XL. Seila, Jephthah's daughter: her readiness to die: her lamentation and death. Death of Jephthah.
XLI. The Judges Abdon (Addo) and Elon.
XLII. Manoah and his wife Eluma. Samson promised.
XLIII. Birth, exploits and death of Samson.
XLIV. Micah and his mother Dedila. The idols described. God's anger.
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XLV. The Levite Bethac at Nob. The Benjamite outrage.
XLVI. Israel attacks Benjamin and is thrice defeated. Prayer of Phinehas.
XLVII. Parable of the Lion, spoken by God in answer to Phinehas. Benjamin is defeated: names of the surviving chiefs. Death of Micah.
XLVIII. Departure of Phinehas from among men. Wives are found for the Benjamites. Conclusion of the period of the Judges.
XLIX. Israel is at a loss for a ruler. Lots are cast in vain. Advice of Nethez. The lot falls on Elkanah, who refuses to be ruler. God promises Samuel.
L. Peninnah's reproaches to Hannah: Hannah's prayer.
LI. Birth of Samuel: hymn of Hannah.
LII. Sin of Hophni and Phinehas. Eli rebukes them, their refusal to repent.
LIII. Call of Samuel: Eli's submission to God's will.
LIV. The ark captured by the Philistines: Saul brings the news. Death of Eli and of his daughter-in-law.
LV. Grief of Samuel. The ark and Dagon: the Philistines plagued: they take counsel as to the return of the ark: it is sent back.
LVI. The people ask for a king, prematurely. Saul comes to Samuel.
LVII. Samuel presents him to the people and he is made king.
p. 71
LVIII. He is sent against Amalek, and spares Agag. Agag is slain, after begetting a son who is to be Saul's slayer.
LIX. Samuel anoints David: David's psalm: the lion and the bear.
LX. Saul oppressed by an evil spirit: David's song.
LXI. David's first victory, over Midian. Goliath defies Israel: David slays him (story of Orpah and Ruth).
LXII. Saul's envy of David. David's parting with Jonathan: their farewell speeches and covenant.
LXIII. The priests of Nob slain: God's sentence against Doeg. Death of Samuel.
LXIV. Saul expels the sorcerers to make a name for himself: God's anger. The Philistines invade: Saul goes to Sedecla, the witch of Endor. Appearance and speech of Samuel.
LXV. Defeat of Saul: he summons the Amalekite (Edab, son of Agag) to kill him. The text ends abruptly in the midst of a message from Saul to David.
 
There is more than one plausible way of dividing the book into episodes. The simplest is this—
1. Adam to the descent into Egypt, cc. I.-VIII.
2. Moses, IX.-XIX.
3. Joshua, XX.-XXIV.
4. The judges, XXV.-XLVIII.
. Samuel, Saul and David, XLIV-LXV.
p. 72
A more elaborate subdivision would be-



Adam to Lamech, I.-II.

Noah and his descendants, III.-V.

Abraham to the death of Joseph, VI.-VIII.

The life of Moses, IX.-XIX.

Joshua, XX.-XXIV.

The Judges, the chief figures being—



Kenaz, XXV.-XXVIII.

Zebul, XXIX.

Deborah, XXX.-XXXIII.

Aod, XXXIV.

Gideon, XXXV.-XXXVI.

Jair, XXXVIII.

Jephthah, XXXIX.-XL.

Abdon, Elon, XLI.

Samson, XLII.-XLIII.



The events of the last chapters of the Book of Judges, XLIV.-XLVIII.

Life of Samuel, to the return of the ark, XLIX.-LV.

Saul's career, LVI.-LXV., David entering upon the scene in LIX.



A third and more artificial method of division (which is followed to some extent by the MS. R) is into portions corresponding to the Biblical books, viz.—


Genesis, I.-VIII.

Exodus, IX.-XIII.

Leviticus, part of XIII.

Numbers, XIV.-XVIII.

Deuteronomy, XIX.

Joshua, XX.-XXIV.

Judges, XXV.-XLVIII.

1 Samuel, XLIX.-LXV.
 

p. 73
The space allotted to the period of the Judges emerges as the striking feature. It is rather greater than that given to the Pentateuch and Joshua, and more than double the share of 1 Samuel. And of it almost a third part is devoted to the doings of a person practically unknown to the Bible, namely, Kenaz.
ADDITIONAL NOTE.A passage in Origen On Romans (IV. 12, p. 646) deserves to be quoted as being very much in the manner of Philo. "We have found," he says, "in a certain apocryphal book (in quodam secretiore libello) mention of an angel of grace who takes his name from grace, being called Ananchel, i.e. the grace of God: and the writing in question says that this angel was sent by God to Esther to give her favour in the sight of the king." just so in Philo appropriate angels are sent to Kenaz and to David and intervene to save the victims of Jair. I think it worth suggesting that the story of Esther found a place in Philo, and that this was the secretior libellus to which Origen refers.p. 74NOTE
Phrases and sentences in italics mark quotations from the Old Testament: single words in italics, and short phrases to which no Biblical reference is attached in the margin, are supplements of the translator.
The following signs are also employed:
[ ] Words wrongly inserted into the text.
( ) Alternative readings of importance.
< > (As p. 151) Words that have fallen out, restored by
<< >> As p. 100)} conjecture.
† † (As p. 89) Corrupt passages.
 
etext notes: Biblical verse/chapter references in the following section are given in the conventional format NN:NN instead of NNNN as in the text. All columnar references are shown as right-aligned pull-quotes, regardless of their orientation in the original. The wide angle brackets (above) are transcribed as double angle brackets..
Author: Philo
Translation: M. R. James (1917)
Source: www.sacred-texts.com